STATE    SOVEREIGNTY. 


ANB   A 


CERTAIN  DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION, 


BEXJAMENT  ROJMTAINE, 


An  Old  Citizen  of 'New-York. 


To  the  Honorable  John  C.  Calhoun, 

NOW  VICE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


NEW-YORK  : 
JAMES  KENffADAY,  PRINTER,  NO.   %   DEY-STREET. 

1832. 


STATE   SOVEREIGNTY, 


AND   A 


I 

CERTAIN  DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION, 


BY 


BENJAMOT  ROMAINE, 


An  Old  Citi/en  of  New-York. 


To  tlie  Honorable  John  C.  Calhoun, 

NOW  VICE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


NEW-YORK: 
J.   KENNADAY,   PRINTER,  NO.  2  DEY-STREET. 

1832. 


TO  THE  PUBLIC, 


lu  August  18:U.  Vice  President  Calhoun's  first  and  most  extraordinary 
publication,  made  its  appearance,  occupying  seven  columns  of  close  newspa- 
per "print,— declaring  the  right  of  a  state  to  nulify  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  ground^  of  its  Sovereignty. 

It  is  a  solecism  in  language  and  false  in  fact,  to  call  that  Sovereign*  which 
is  subject  to  the  control  of  another.  What  shall  restrain  a  Sovereign  pow- 
er, but  its  limitations  ?  If  the  states  are  all  Sovereign,  and  without  an  ef- 
fectual check,  or  limitation,  then  is  the  United  States  Sovereignty  null,  be- 
cause of  its  limitations  :  and  this  is  the  sum  of  the  whole  matter,  now  at 
issue. 

The  Vice  President  now  makes  his  second  public  appearance,  in  the 
Charleston  Mercury,  of  date  the  23d  August  last,  1832, — in  twelve  addition' 
al  columns  of  close  newspaper  print,  which  does  not  add  a  single  impor- 
tant idea  to  his  seven  column  production  of  August  1831.  The  wordy  webb 
indeed,  is  now  of  far  finer  texture,  and  well  calculated  to  the  purposes  of 
it.  It  is  a  mere  tfesue  of  political  metaphysicks*  to  be  believed  without 
the  possibility  of  understanding  it. 

On  the  face  of  the  matter,  the  Vice  President  is  now  drawn  out  by  the 
request  of  Governor  Hamilton  of  South  Carolina, — who  has  been  trans- 
formed, in  a  few  short  month?,  from  a  private  soldier  of  the  militia  to  a  Ma- 
jor Generalship,  in  addition  to  his  gubernatorial  command. 

It  would  thus  appear  that  all  things  are  now  ready  to   the  noble  work  of 
nulification :  as  originally  planed  by  that  notorious  Englishman  and  mon- 
archist, President  Cooper  of  South  Carolina  College,  and  1  Robert  Y.  Hayne  / 
and  otephen  Miller,    Senators,  and   Geor^n    Mo.Du .:*••.-  W  R.Davis, 

John  M.  Felder,  John  H.  Grifen,  W.  T.  Nockles  and  Rco  rt  W.  fcarnwell, 
all  members  of  Congress :  had  also,  jointly  proclaimed,  and  fixed  their 
Signatures  to  a  like  manifesto.  I  am  happy  to  make  known,  that  all  tnese 
gentlemen  are  of  South  Carolina  only. 

i  It  is  now  already  seen,  in  every  direction,  that  Vice  President  Cal noun's 
"sentiments  and  opinions  of  the  relation  vthicfi  the  states  and  general  gov- 


&rnmcnt  now  bear  to  each  other,'  arc  repeatedly  quoted,  and  are  widely 
spreading  their  most  deloterieuo  effects,  throughout  our  states,  throughout 
this  continent,  and,  no  doubt,  throughout  Europe  also.  It  has  alreedy  con- 
taminated, in  a  greater  and  a  less  degree,  the  entire  region  of  the  South. 
*  *  It  sweeps  along  like  the  dark  and  deleterious  Sirocco  winds,  over  Affric's 
burning  sands,"  and  "  like  a  new  born  mist,  now  seems  to  blot  the  sun  !  !" 

I  have  no  personal  enmity  to  gratify,  n  y  partialities  are  favourable  to  the 
Vice  President  as  a  man,  but!  can  have  no  idea  of  half-work  in  so  impor- 
that  a  matter,  as  now  agitates  the  public  mind.  I  only  regret  to  have  fail- 
ed, in  several  efforts,  to  elicit  some  competant  talent,  in  aid  of  so  vast  a 


With  this  apology,  and  with  the  most  profound  respect, 
I  am,  the  Publics,  most 

Obedient  Ilu.nble  Servant, 

BENJAMIN7  ROMAINK. 


MTATJ3  SOVEREIGNTY, 

AND    A    CERTAIN    DISSOLUTION    OF    THE    UNION. 

BT 

AN   OLD  CITIZEN  OF  NEW-YORK: 

TO  TPIE  HONORABLE  JOHN  C.  CALHOUN, 

Now  Vice  President  of  the  United  State?. 

No.  I. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  honor  of  a  short  personal  acquaintance 
with  you, — sought  for  and  had,  during  the  late  war, 
at  the  city  of  Washington,  on  the  several  occasions  of 
my  official  duties  there.  I  have  listened  to  your  "  sen- 
timents" on  the  floor  of  Congress,  with  pleasure  : 
and  the  promptness  of  your  subsequent  answers  to  my 
several  written  communications,  gave  me  a  favorable 
opinion  of  your  fitness  for  office, 

Your  very  laboured  publications  to  sustain  an  exis- 
ting "paramount"  Sovereignty  in  our  several  States, 
since  the  adoption  of  the  present  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  has  occasioned  a  general  surprise,  and 
much  painful  regret.  Your  Station, — the  time,  man- 
ner, and  perplexing  matter  of  your  address,  has  made 
it  a  subject  of  the  highest  importance,  not  to  us  only,, 
but  very  specially  to  the  Republics  of  South  America,- 
who  had  adopted  our  model,  and  now  held  in  a  con- 
fused struggle  of  formation,  from  this  impractica- 
ble doctrine,  sought  to  be  sustained  among  us. 

Of  this  anti-federal  germ  you  now  stand  forth 
the  unequaled  advocate,  although  we  have  a  deep  ex- 
perience, and  certain  knowledge  of,its  distructive  ten- 
dencies.— This  I  nowr  pledge  myself  to  substantiate, 
in  a  few  short  numbers,  and  which,  in  strict  proprie- 
ty, are  addressed  to  you  as  my  special  auditor.  It  is 
evident  that  a  great  and  mighty  change  of  political 
sentiment,  is  about  to  pervade  a  large  portion  of  this 
globe.  Such  great  changes,  whether  religious  or  po- 
litical, are  of  rare  occurrence.  Europe  has  been  held 
under  the  uniform  power  of  personal  despotisms,  for 
more  than,  two  thousand  years,  and  the  struggle  now 


(ft 

is  if  theif  institutions  are  to  be  eternal !  Our  written 
model  of  republican  Constitution,  has  gone  forth  thank 
God,  and  yet  stands  foremost  in  this  high  career  of 
social  melioration.  Hence,  Sir,  the  vast  concern  to 
sustain  it  in  all  its  original  puriety,  and  as  it  was  a- 
dopted  by  a  united  Sovereign  people,  and  as  now  dis- 
played by  its  ample  energies, — all  operating,  in  due 
checks  and  balances,  and  resting  mainly  on  the  single 
lever  of  the  elective  franchise. 

It  is  on  this  part  of  your  address,  I  am  now  con- 
strained to  animadvert.  The  tarif  question  has  been 
laboured,-the  constituted  authorities  have  decided,  and 
their  I  rest  that  part  of  your  address. 

From  your  elevated  station,  bringing  into  serious 
controversy  any  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  our 
Constitution,  your  recently  published  "  sentiments  and 
opinions  of  tJie  relation  which  the  States  and  general 
Government  now  bear  to  each  other" — could  not  but 
arrest  a  general  attention  among  your  fellow  citizens ; 
and  must  ultimately  seize  on  the  high  consideration  of 
foreign  Governments,  with  home  we  have  made,  and 
now  hold  the  most  important  treaty  relations;  all  of 
which  are  bassed  on  the  idea  of  supreme  Sovereignty 
in  tJie  collected  body  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
A  total  denial  of -this  fact,  is  the  main  subject  of  your 
address,  and  you  are  the  first  man  who  ever  assumed  a 
like  position,  and  grounded  on  a  "paramount"  Sover- 
eignty of  the  individual  States,  since  the  adoption  of  the 
present  Constitution.     It  is  clearly  seen,  that,  your 
assumption  became  of  indispensible  necessity  as  the 
ground  work  of  your  system  of  nulification.    You  have 
indeed  placed  yourself,  in  the  front  ground,  but  it  can 
no  longer  be  doubted  to  be  the  work  of  a  combination. 
You  have  seized  on  the  death  robes  of  the  deceased 
Jefferson  to  bear  you  out  in  your  assumptions.     You 
have  raked  into  the  embers  of  his  election  to  the  Pre- 
sidency, in    1800,  and  the  then  opposition   to    the 
Alien  and  Sedition  laws,and  applied  these  to  your  pre- 
sent system  of  nulification.      To  proceed  these  for- 
eign powers  must  shortly  charge  their  several  Em- 
bassadors.  strictly  to  inquire  if,  in  reality,  the   old 


(T) 

State  Sovereignty  texture,  of  our  confederation  ol' 
1778,  under  which  they  refused,  or  rather  could  not 
treat  with  us,  as  a  united  Sovereign  people, — had  never 
ceased  to  exist;  and,  if  they  had  been  led,  deceptively, 
into  those  treaties,  which  you  now  hold  that,  a  single 
Sovereign  state  can  nidify  at  pleasure.  And  if  further- 
more if  our  much  boasted  present  Constitution  of  gen- 
( nil  Government,  had  falsly  declared  to  the  world,  that 
their  "  law  s  were  the  supreme  laws  of  the  land"  These 
powers  will  naturally  present  your  publication,  of  a 
paramount  state  Sovereignty,  as  the  text-book  of  their 
inquiries ; — "  so  says  your  Vice  President,  the  second 
officer  of  your  Government  /" 

Forty  three  years  of  practical  use,  and  investigation 
of  a  few  pages  ot*  plain  written  document,  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  consisting  of  seven  short 
articles,  all  expounded  upon  by  seven  Presidents  of  the 
United  States,  a  regular  succession  of  twenty-two  Con- 
gresses, now  composed  of  forty-eight  Senators,two  from 
each  state,  and  about  two  hundred  and  ten  of  the  im- 
mediate representatives  of  all  the  people  of  the  United 
States,— added  to  these,  are  seven  supreme  judges,  hold* 
ing  their  stated  court  at  the  seat  of  government,  Hogeth- 
rr  with  such  other  inferior  courts  in  each  state,  as  the 
Congress  may  from  time  to  time,  ordain  and  establish." 
These  are  the  main  agencies, — among  a  host  of  minor 
agents,  civil  and  military,  of  our  government.  The 
President  holds  his  office  during  four  years,  the  Sen- 
ators six,  the  Representatives  two,  and  the  Judges 
during  good  behaviour ; — all  under  the  penalty  of  im- 
peachment, dismissal  and  disgrace  for  mal-adminis- 
tration,  and  all  are  bound  together  by  the  solemnity 
of  an  oath  of  faithful  integrity  to  "  SUPPORT  THE 
CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.' 

— THE  INDIVIDUAL  STATE  AUTHORITIES  TAKE  THE  SAME 

OATH,  and  you  have  taken  the  same  oath, — and  are 
now  acting  under  the  high  penalties  of  it. 

"  All  this  dread  order  break,  for  whom.?" — 
You  now  declare  to  have  assumed  as  facts,  and  as  the 
main  "  BASIS"  of  your  productions,— certain  Kentucky 
resolutions,  and  a  report  of  the  Virginia  Legislature* 


(8) 

us  tar  back  as  1798,  and  passed  during  the  heat  of  that 
unexampled  party  contest,  which  placed  Mr.  Jefferson 
in  the  chair  of  the  Union ! 

These  long  by-gone  circumstances,  arc  now  totally 
.irrelevant  to  your  present  system  of  nuliilcation.  The 
resolutions  of  1708,  went  to  oppose  the  admisistration 
of  that  day,  on  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  Alien 
Bill,  and  the  Sedition  laws, — "  as  infringements  on 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  the  freedom  of  speech-" 
The  first  impowered  the  President  to  seize  any  alien, 
suspected  by  him  to  be  inimical  to  the  government,  and 
order  him  to  depart  the  country.  This  Bill  was  main- 
ly aimed  at  the  French  citizens  among  vis,— then  in  the 
progress  of  their  revolution.  The  Sedition  law  im- 
posed a  line  and  imprisonment  on  every  body,  wheth- 
er alien  or  native,  "for  writing,  publishing,  or  pro- 
claiming any  thing  tending  to  bring  the  government, 
or  its  officers  into  disrepute." 

Several  prosecutions,  fines  and  imprisonments  were 
had,  in  the  state  courts,  under  one  or  both  these  laws. 
They  became  extremely  obnoxious;  and  with  Mr. 
Jefferson  at  our  head,  and  by  means  of  the  elective 
franchise  !  we  opposed  them  with  all  our  might ; — and 
thereby  ^CONSTITUTION  ALLY,  removed  that  Congress  and 
administration  from  power.  "  Go  thou  and  do  likewise." 

The  Virginia  resolution  of  1798,  you  now  apply, 
.and  torture  their  meaning,  into  your  present  system  of 
nuiification,  and  openly  declare  Mr.  Jefferson  as  an  ac- 
complice ! ! !  He  will  be  fully  rescued  from  the  dar- 
ing aspersion  on  his  posthumous  fame. — Your  princi- 
ples of  nuiification  go  to  destroy  the  constitution,— Mr. 
Jefferson's  principles  to  sustain  it  on  the  ground  of  the 
elective  franchise, — bassed  on  the  will  of  the  majority, 
which  you  now  also  declaritwely  oppose.  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson asks — "is  he  honest,  is  he  capable,  and  will  he 
support  theConstitution  and  laws  oflhe  UnitedStates?* 
what,  Sir,  would  he  now  say  of  your  recently  declar- 
ed "  sentiments  and  opinions," — in  direct  opposition  to 
the  Constitution,  and  the  "  supreme  laws  of  the  land  ?" 

It  will  facilitate  the  means  towards  a  more  clear 
understanding  and  patriotic  a ttractment  to'our •exist- 


(9) 

tng  "  relations,  between  the  states  and  general  govern- 
ment," and  especially  so,  to  many  of  the  present  and 
rising  generations,  if  we  step  back,  for  a  few  moments, 
and  retrace  a  short  sketch  of  FACTS,  not  "opinions 
and  sentiments" — which,  as  a  people,  and  Jieretofore 
as  separate  state  Sovereignties,  we  have  borne,  and 
that  which  we  now  bear  to  each  other. 

On  looking  over  your  most  dangerous  and  exten- 
sively spread  epistle,  to  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
it  was  found  that  you  had  adhered  almost  wholly,  and 
throughout  seven  columns  of  close  n<  wspaper  print,  to 
a  mere  detail  of  "sentiments  and  opinins"  of  your 
own  and  one  other  man,  whom  you  have  named,  and 
thus  doomed  to  share  with  yourself,  ike  high  respon- 
sibility of  YOUR  OWN  assumptions  !  I  am  sorry  to  see 
that  great  man  now  named  by  you  as  an  abetter  of 
your  present  creed,  becaase,  #e  is  dead!  His  inaugur- 
al address,  in  the  Presidency  proves  that,  he  never 
was  an  anti-federalist;  at  the  head  of  whose  banner 
you  have  now  arrayed  yourself. 

Your  plan  of  address,  by  way  of  •'  opinion"  while 
it  affords  to  you  infinite  scope,  not  requiring  to  be 
narrowed  down  by  FACTS,  determined  me  to  an  oppo- 
site course,  both  for  brevity  sake,  and  as  far  as  possi- 
ble to  exclude  "  opinions,"  and  leave  the  community 
to  judge  from  the  facts  in  the  ca,se. 

Yours,  &c. 

BENJAMIN  ROMAINE. 


STATE  SOVEREIGNTY, 

AND   A   CERTAIN   DISSOLUTION   OF   THE    UNION. 

No.  2. 
SIR, 

I  now  proceed  to  a  short  sketch  of  FACTS,  in  re- 
lation to  our  General  and   State  Governments,  as 

2 


mentioned  in  No.^l,  with  the  view  to  a  more  cit^r 
understanding  of  this  important  subject,  and  specially 
so,  to  many  of  the  present  and  rising  generation,  and 
thus  to  inspire  a  patriotic  love  of  our  present  Union 
from  certain  historical  facts,  thus  made  familiar. 
These  States  were  originally  divided  into  thirteen 
distinct  colonies,  and  subject  to  Great  Briton.  Each 
Colony  was  held  to  the  Sovereign  power  by  separate 
charters,  alike  in  character,  and  which  contained  a 
regular  form  of  Government,  very  like  our  present 
State  Governments,  to  which  they  served  as  modals. 

The  Colonies,  now  States,  all  bordering  on  each 
other,  in  one  vast  range  of  territory,  were  at  no  time 
a  divided  people,  either  in  general  sentiment  or  action, 
but  on  all  occasions  of  insult,  or  imposition  of  the  old 
step-mother,  on  one  Colony,  the  whole  rallied  in  a 
mutual  defence ;  They  were  however  prohibited  all 
foreign  commerce,  and  in  some  cases  the  internal 
commerce  between  the  colonies  was  restrained.  In 
a  most  special  manner  internal  manufactures  were  for- 
bidden, unde  r  certain  pains  and  penalties, — Machin- 
ery of  every  kind,  to  such  end,  were  hunted  out  by 
spies  and  informers,  burnt  and  destroyed,  even  the 
household  labours  of  clothing  and  the  necessary  imple- 
ments of  husbandry  were  limited,  in  their  construction  ; 
and  Pitt,  the  British  Minister  (whom  we  are  in  the  habit 
of  eulogising)  had  declared  that  the  "Colonists  ought 
not  to  be  permitted  to  make  a  Hub  Nail." 

The  Colonists  submitted  to  these  restrictions  with- 
out any  general  risings;  but  on  all  attempts  to  raise 
a  direct  revenue  by  mere  act  of  Parliament,  and  with- 
out our  due  representation  there,  or  even  the  consent 
of  our  Colonial  Legislatures,  was  instantly  met  by  a 
combined  opposition,  on  the  ground  that  "represen- 
tation and  taxation  were  inseparable,  by  the  British 
Constitution." 

In  1764,  certain  Bales  of  stampt  paper,  were  trans- 
mitted to  the  Colonies,  by  act  of  Parliament.  The 
old  Dutch  Republicans  of  this  city,  who  emigrated  here 
from  Holland,  when  it  was  a  republic,  and  who  had 
been  exchanged,  by  Holland,  to  the  English,  for 


(11) 

surrinam  in  South  America,  seized  on  the  stamp  pa- 
pers, and  burnt  them,  together  with  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor Colden's  coach,  taken  from  the  west  wing  of  the 
Fort,  mounted  with  about  forty  pieces  of  cannon,  and 
which  then  stood  at  the  lower  part  of  Broadway,  be- 
low the  present  Bowling  Green. 

The  obnoxious  stamp  act  was  repealed,  and  the  Col- 
onies returned  to  their  allegiance,  regardless  of  the  de- 
claration, which  was  suffered  to  remain  on  the  English 
Statute  Books;  proclaiming  their  "right  to  tax  the 
Colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever" 

The  British  Government  then  proceeded  to  erect 
new  Forts,  and  strengthen  the  old  ones,  "  to  trans- 
port and  quarter  among  us,  large  bodies  of  armed 
troops,  without  the  consent  of  our  Legislatures ;"  and 
in  1775  the  famous  Tea-project  was  ordained,  with  de- 
termination to  enforce  a  direct  tax.  Accordingly  a 
ship  load  was  sent  to  Boston,  and  the  people, commit- 
ted the  whole  cargo  to  one  drawing  in  the  salt  waters 
of  Massachusetts  Bay.  Boston  harbour  was  blocka- 
ded and  her  Charter  declared  null  and  void.  The 
Colonists  rallied  in  defence,  and  afforded  every  aid  to 
the  invaded  Colony. 

The  determination  of  England  to  enforce  her  long 
brooded  intent,  to  raise  a  direct  revenue,  in  addition 
to  the  vast  advantages  derived  from  the  Colonies,  as 
the  consumers  of  her  surplus  manufactures,  was  no 
longer  a  matter  of  doubt. 

It  became  necessary  to  prepare  for  the  conflict,  or 
yield,  ingloriously,  to  a  degrading  submission.  The 
Colonists  chose  the  combat!  They  were  destitute  of 
the  munitions  of  war,  and  without  consentration  to  di- 
rect any  unitted  force.  Their  chief  cities  were  occu- 
pied by  trained  regiments,  in  military  array,  and  their 
harbours  guarded  by  hostile  ships.  The  uniting  Sov- 
ereign power,  was  not  only  withdrawn,  but  had  de- 
clared the  Colonies  to  be  in  a  state  of  rebellion  to  it. 

Such,  Sir,  was  the  train  of  relations  which  the  Col- 
onies (now  states)  then  bore  to  each  other ;  and  if  ev- 
er a  time  existed,  calculated  to  "  try  mens  souls?  t>"~ 
noint  of  it,  capt  the  climax  of  human  firiP1^ 


(12) 

Our  political  ship  was  thus  launched  on  the  wide 
ocean  of  revolt  and  made  subject  to  the  caprice  and 
dictation  of  thirteen  adventitious  Sovereignties,  and 
independent  commanders-in-chief;  and  all  of  them 
unacquainted,  or  crudely  informed,  to  act  in  their 
newly  acquired  capacity,  to  wield  or  direct  a  united 
Sovereign  power. 

•JjT  In  aM  communities  of  men  it  has  been  found 
indispensable  to  create  a  MAJESTY,  a  Sovereign 
contro/ing  power,  an  Arbiter  which  can  have  no 
equal,  and  much  less  a  superior,  or  it  could  not  be 
Sovereign,  nor  act  efficiently  to  a  general  interest. 

Thus  Governments  of  every  kind  must  possess  the 
power  of  self-preservation.— The}  n  ust  be  able  to  en- 
force the  civil  laws,  command  the  national  purse, 
bring  into  action  the  physical  force,  put  down  insur- 
rection and  rebellion,  punish  treason,  repel  invasion, 
defend  the  nation  against  foreign  power  and  internal 
defection,  and  thus  provide  for  the  general  welfare. 
No  Government  can  permit,  or  shew  a  weakness,  or 
failure,  in  any  of  these  indispensible  requisites,  with 
security  to  itself,  and  let  it  be  forever  remembered 
"  that  fears  in  the  public  councils  betray  like  treason" 
We  ought  never  to  doubt  for  a  moment,  of  the  effi- 
ciency of  our  government,  to  sustain  its  united  integ- 
rity.— Washington's  farewell  address. 

To  proceed.     The  Colonists  began  their  research  of 
a  new  Sovereign,  at  the  true  fountain  head  of  all  le- 

fitimate  authority.  THE  WHOLE  PEOPLE  ;  and  have 
nally  constituted  and  "consolidated"  themselves,  as 
the  only  true,  and  never  to  be  divided  Sovereignty ;  — 
thus  for  ever  excluding  all  personal  rivalships,  and 
family  successions,  from  the  supreme  power.  These 
have  been  the  causes  of  the  most  cruel  and  vindictive 
wars  of  any  other  source  of  contention  among  man- 
kind. The  distressed  people  of  Portugal  are  now  suf- 
fering in  their  blood  and  treasure,  in  a  mere  family  ri- 
valship.  , 

On  closing  this  number,  I  am  constrained  here  to 
say,  in  advance  of  my  subject,  and  with  great  reluc- 
•tance,  that,  in  my  full  belief,  no  man,  of  all  the  parties 


(13) 

whoever  spoke  or  wrote  in  relation  to  our  union,  has? 
ever  presented  to  the  world  our  united  Sovereignty  in 
so  unfavourable  a  condition,  as  you  have  done.  For 
the  present,  the  following  extract,  from  your  production 
will  aifbrd  a  short  specimen. 

You  have  declared  to  the  world,  "  that  the  South  de- 
"  mands  free  trade,  light  taxes,  economical  and  equal 
"disbursments,  unshackled  industry  leaving  them  to 
"pursue  their  OWN  interists.     (This  demand  is  im- 
""  possible  while  the  present  Constitution  exists.)    That 
"  from  the  Potomack  to  the  Mississippi,  if  dependent 
;i  on  their  own  volitions,  every  shackle  on  commerce 
"  would  be  removed,  which  now  represses,  and  en- 
"  crouches  on  their  enjoyments.     That  no  two  na- 
"  tions  EVER  entertained,   more  opposite   views  of 
"POLICY,  than  these  two  sections!!"   (I  take  these 
"  sentiments,"  to  be  a  direct  excitement  to  rebellion, 
and  a  gross  calumny  on  the  patriotism  of  the  intire 
South  of  our  union.)     "That  we  have  arrived  to  a 
"  point  which  a  great  change  CANNOT  be  much  longer 
;i  delayed,  and  the  more  promptly  it  be  met,  the  less  ex- 
"citernent  there  will  be,  and  the  greater  leisure,  and 
"  calmness  in  making  the  TRANCISION  ;   (what  tranci- 
"  sion  ?)and  which  becomes  those  the  more  IMMDEIATE- 
"  LY  interested  to  consider !  [who  are  they.]     That  to 
;i  delay  longer  must  finally  increase  the  SHOCK,  and 
*;  disastrious  consequences  which  may  follow ! ! !"     If 
these  "  sentiments  and  opinions,"  do  not  lead  direct  to 
a  dissolution  of  our 'union,  I  know  of  no  words,  more 
expressive  of  suR  effect ;  and  the  Potomack  is  assum- 
ed as  the  line  of  separation.     Thus  according  to  your 
"  sentiments,"  all  further  attempto  to  modify  the  tarif 
duties  as  a  peace  offering,  must  prove  to  be  worse 
than  useless !  at  any  rate,  the  extent  of  your  patriotism, 
of  which  you  repeatedly  boast,  differs  widely  from  that 
of  the  father  of  his  united  Country,  whose  prophetic 
mind  foresaw  all  you  have  now  written,  and  therefore 
placed  his  opposing  "  sentiments"  on  the  eternal  re- 
cord!—Viz  :— "  The  unity  of  government  which  con- 
"  stitutes  you  one  people,  is  also  ever  dear  to  you,  much 
"  pains  will  be  taken  to  weaken  in  your  minds  this 


44  truth.  Designing  men  may  endeavour  to  excite  a 
"  belief  fliat  tliere  is  a  real  difference  ofinterists  and 
"  mews ;  beware  of  heart  burnings  from  these  mis- 
"  representations.  Frowning  upon  the  first  dawning 
"  of  every  attempt  to-alienate  any  portion  of  our  country 
"  from  the  rest,  enfeabling  the  sacred  ties,  which  link 
"  together  the  various  parts !" 

No.  3  will  RBsume  a  moro  regular    \     \  am^  Yours,  &C. 
train  of  relations  on  this  all    \ 
important  subject,  }  BEN  J.  ROMAINE. 


STATE  SOVEREIGNTY, 

AND  A  CERTAIN    DISSOLUTION  OF   THE  UNION. 

No.  3. 

SIR. 

In  No.  2  the  events  of  our  Revolution,  from  its  com- 
mencement, were  noted,  and  it  is  now  intended  to 
keep  the  subject  in  connection,  as  far  as  a  hasty 
review  will  admit.  The  absolute  necessity  of  some 
general  form  of  United  Government  of  the  Colonies, 
became  indespensible  to  a  successful  opposition  to 
the  vast  power  of  England. 

The  Colonists,  as  stated  in  No.  1,  began  their  re- 
searches of  a  new  Sovereign  Authority,  at  the  only 
true  fountain  head  of  all  legitimate^Sovereignty, — 
THE  WHOLE  PEOPLE.— From  their  primary 
assemblies  they  first  delegated  the  power  to  certain 
committees  of  "public  safety" — to  communicate  with 
like  committees,  in  the  several  Colonies.  Provincial, 
or  rather  Colonial  Congresses  followed  in  course,  and 
finally  a  Continental  Congress  was  delegated  from 
the  same  sacred  fountain.  They  were  however  cau- 
tiously intrusted  with  powers  which  had  relation  to 
the  whole  Union.  Each  Colony  paid  its  own  dele- 
gates, and  on  the  recommendation  of  the  General 
Oft — ~^s.  each  independent  Colonv  furnished,  or  not> 


as  they  chose,  tu*,:*  quota  of  men  ana  mo*****?  . 

a  general  defence,  and  tJien  without  incurring  the  sin 

of  rebellion  or  treason. 

The  immortal  Congress  of  1776,  saw  in  clear  per- 
spective, the  doubtful  cohesion  of  the  thirteen  Sov- 
ereign Commanders,  at  least  in  their  Colonial  capa- 
city, and  on  the  4th  day  of  July,  1776,  they  assumed 
a  daring  attitude, — a  national  character  !  They  ap- 
pealed to  their  God,  and  the  civilized  world,  "and  de- 
clared the  United  Colonies  to  be  free,  Sovereign  and 
independent  STATES !  " — a  noble  responce  resound- 
ed throughout  the  land,  the  received  spirit  appalled 
the  internal  opposition,  and  Europe  hailed  the  energy, 
and  magnitude  of  the  deed ;  aid  and  aliances  followed, 
as  the  new  Constellation  was  seen  rising  at  the  verge 
of  the  political  horizon. 

Hostile  armies  were  landed  on  our  coasts  in  1776, 
and  began  their  work  of  distruction  by  fire  and  sword; 
and  Washington  was  beaten  in  every  direction.  Our 
war  of  defence  dragged  on  heavily,  from  the  tardy 
supplies  of  the  several  Sovereignties,  and  at  the  be- 
gining  of  the  Winter  of  1777,  our  little  reduced  army 
was  in  full  retreat,  through  the  Jerseys,  towards 
Philadelphia,  and  closely  pursued  by  a  British  force, 
more  than  three  times  our  number. 

The  Congress  then  requested  Gen.  Washington  to 
accept  the  sole  direction  of  the  war!  when  he  in-* 
stantly  faced  about,  and  at  night,  in  a  violent  snow 
storm,  he  recrossed  the  Delaware  River,  a  short  dis- 
tance above  the*  enemies'  camp,  and  captured  nine 
hundred  Hessians  at  Trenton.  The  General  writes 
to  Congress,  "that  the  soldiers  were  then  destitute  of 
shoes  to  their  feet,  and  that  their  footsteps  were 
marked  in  blood ! "  The  British  General  was 
obliged  to  retrace  his  steps  back  towards  New- York, 
and  failed  to  reach  Philadelphia  that  winter. 

In  1778  the  Congress,  as  an  additional  incentive 
to  a  unity  of  defence,  presented  to  the  State  Legisla- 
tures, for  their  adoption,  a  kind  of  general  Constitu- 
tion, consisting  of  thirteen  articles,  declared  to  be 
"articles  of  confederation  and  perpetual  union" 


(16) 

'They  were  nowever,  not  ratified  by  the  States  until 
the  1st  of  March,  1781,  two  years  only  before  the  close 
of  the  revolutionary  war,  because  of  the  incessant 
excitement  of  State  jealouscies. 

This  "firm  league  of  friendship"  between  the 
states,  begins  thus, — "each  state  retains  its  Sover- 
eignty, freedom  and  independence,  and  every  power, 
jurisdiction  and  right,  which  is  not,  by  this  confeder- 
*ation,  expressly  delegated  to  the  United  States  in 
Congress  assembled"  Our  present  Constitution  be- 
gins thus, — "  We  the  people  of  the  United  States,  tyc. 
The  words  State  Sovereignty,  are  not  mentioned  in 
it,  and  for  the  best  reason  in  the  world,  because  that 
was  yielded  to  the  general  government 

The  state  Sovereignties,  before  they  ratified  the  ar- 
ticles of  confederation,  had  restricted  the  powers  of 
Congress,  in  making  war  and  peace,  in  borrowing  mo- 
nies, in  the  formation  of  treaties,  and  regulations  of 
commerce,  &c. 

Our  internal  supplies  depended  as  before  the  Con- 
federation, on  the  will  and  pleasure  of  each  Sovereign 
State.  The  general  Congress  was  expressly  forbidden 
to  make  any  "treaty  of  Commerce,  whereby  the  Legis- 
"  lative  power  of  the  Sovereign  States  shall  be  restrain- 
••*'  ed  from  imposing  such  imports  and  duties  on  foreign- 
"  ers  as  their  own  people  are  subject  to,  or  from  pro- 
-"  hibiting  the  exportation  or  importation  of  any  spe- 
"  cies  of  goods  or  commodities  whatsoever,"  &/c.  , 

I  seek  brevity,  Sir,  nor  is  it  necessary  further,  in 
theis  place,  to  notice  the  defective  arrangements  of  the 
old  confederation. 

Nevertheless  the  seven  years  battle  was  fought,  and 
the  British  Lyon  was  made  to  cower  under  the  talons 
of  the  American  Bird,  in  1783.  Britain  however  pre- 
dicted, and  on  commercial  grounds,  that  distruction 
from  our  internal  discord,  which  her  arms  had 
failed  to  effect ;  and  now  also,  from  your  recently  pub- 
lished "  sentiments  and  opinions,"  and  on  the  same 
grounds  it  is  threatened  and  made  to  appear  that,  the 
fulfillment  of  the  prophecy,  is  near  at  hand,  and  the 
"present  English  Tarif  question,  is  to  complete  the 


(17) 

prediction!!!      But  I  am  again  in  advance  of  tin 
subject. 

Four  years  elapsed,  after  the  peace,  under  the  old 
confederation,  and  which  had  completely  failed  of  all 
uniting  purposes  between  the  Sovereign  states.  The 
extention  of  our  commercial  relations,  and  the  local, 
dissimilar,  and  imposing  arrangements  of  some  of  the 
most  powerful  states,  pointed  to  a  more  efficient  Leg- 
islation to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  union ;  and 
more  especially,  for  the  united  adjustments  and  forma- 
\  tion  of  our  treatise,  both  political  and  commercial  with 
foreign  states  and  nations. 

These  nations  refused,  nay  they  could  not  treat 
with  us  collectively,  as  a  united  people,  while  the  sev- 
eral states  continued  to  be  distinct  and  separate  Sov- 
ereignties, as  declared  by  the  old  confederation. 

Thus  our  existance  in  thirteen  independent  Sover- 
eignties, and  destitute  of  a  united  and  controlling  en- 
ergy, was  demonstrated  to  be  totally  incompatible  with 
union  at  home  or  respect  abroad,  and  which  became 
the  sole^cause  for  calling  the  contention,  of  the  then 
Sovereign  States  to  remedy  the  evil !  Certain  states 
had  actually  commenced  restrictions  on  the  inter- 
course with  other  states,  and  to  form  separate  tariffs  of 
internal  duties,  and  also  on  *  exports  and  imports" 
with  foreign  nations.  Alamode, — your  State  Sover^ 
*eignty. 

A  new  state  of  our  relations  was  thus  seen  to  be  of 
immediate  necessity.  The  state  Sovereignties  had,  as 
yet,  no  enmitiesjtowards  each  other ;  they  were  a  Band 
of  Brothers,— left  destitute  of  a  cohesive  principle  which 
the  pressure  of  the  war  had  effected,  and  were  about 
to  form  separate  treatise  with  foreign  nations,  and  thus 
;to  become  the  sport  of  tyrants,  and  the  derision  of  the 
world ! — Yes,  Sir,  and  all  this  in  about  four  years  of 
peace,  and  after  their  joint,  and  successful  war  of  revo- 
lution. Thus  had  the  states  in  their  separate  Sov- 
ereignties well  nigh  completed  the  ruin  predicted  by 
our  enemies  at  the  end  of  the  war  ! 

These  once  venerated  shades  (the  State  Sovereign- 
ties,) you  have  now  raised  into  new  life,  and  placed 

3 


them  once  more  in  hostile  array  to  each  other,  and 
specially  to  the  general  government,  and  clothed  in 
the  most  terriffic  forms.  The  present  and  rising 
generations  are  now  taught,  by  the  Vice  President, — 
that  no  two  nations  ever  entertained  more  opposite 
views  of  policy  and  interests,  than  the  two  sections" 
the  South  and  the  North  of  our  republics,  "  on  the 
line  of  the  Potomac  !"  What  can  now  suffice  all  the 
declarations  of  your  patriotism,  as  regards  the  integ- 
rity of  the  union,  after  such  deliberate,  open,  and  a- 
vowed  "  sentiments  and  opinions  ?"  The  excitements 
of  speech,  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  do  not  bear,  on  the 
public  mind,  that  forceof  intent,  though  the  same 
"  sentiments  and  opinions"  be  expressed  in  the  heat 
of  debate. 

Tarn, Yours,  &c. 

BENJ.  ROMAINE, 


STATE  SOVEREIGNTY, 

AND  A  CERTAIN    DISSOLUTION  OF    THE  UNION. 

No.  4. 
SIR, 

In  No.  3,  the  most  critical  events  of  our  revolu- 
olution  were  hastily  sketched.  The  declaration  of 
Independence,  in  1 776,  revived  the  drooping  spirit  of 
the  Colonists,  appalled  the  internal  opposition,  and 
Europe  hailed  the  energy  and  magnitude  of  the  deed. 
The  seven  years  battle  was  fought  and  won ;  when, — 
in  less  than  four  years  after  the  peace,  the  states,  in 
their  individual  Sovereignty,  had  well  nigh  produced 
that  ruin  to  our  union,  which  the  whole  power  of  Eng- 
land had  failed  to  effect ;  and  which  Lord  Sheffield  had 
predicted,  in  his  writings  of  that  day,  on  the  American 

COMMERCE. 

The  United  States  government,  constructed  as  it 
now  is,  of  agents  to  execute  the  whole  people's  Sover- 
eign power,  and  who  are  to  be  changed  at  their  will, 
can  never  become  a  tyranny.  The  state  governments 
in  Sovereignty  must,  long  e'er  this  day  have  become 
conttending  despotisms ; — our  revolution  a  curse,  and 


(ID) 

the  people  of  each  state  made  aliens,  and  foreigners  to 
each  other,  and  far  less  degrading  and  humiliated  would 
have  been  our  present  condition,  to  have  remained  the 
slaves  and  commercial  dependents  of  our  old  task- 
'  master. 

Every  individual  would  now  be  obliged  to  seek  pas- 
ports,— suffer  search  of  Person,  of  Baggage  or  Mer- 
chandize, at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  a  thousand 
harrassments  in  passing  and  repassing  through  each 
of  the  Sovereign  states.  In  such  case  I  need  not  men- 
tion the  personal  affronts,  the  contentions,  and  honor- 
able wars,  between  certain  state  High-Mightiness, 
Chieftains,  Kings,  Lords  or  Barons;  and  all  to  be 
held  in  perpetual  armour,  and  other  proud  Ensignia, 
of  battle  to  sustain  the  dignity  of  their  several  inde- 
pendent state  domains,  at  the  expense  of  blood,  and 
the  treasure  of  an  enslaved  people.  Even  NOW,  such 
choice  spirits,  though  yet  without  titles,  we  have  never 
ceased  to  witness  them  here,  flitting  about,  in  our 
several  states,  and  in  a  kind  of  mimical  majesty,  cre- 
ating disputes,  both  political  and  personal ;  and  then 
searching  for  partizans  to  defend  their  characters,  in 
both  capacities;  and  specially  in  their  repeated  attacks 
on  the  general  government.  These  men  will  always 
be  found,  determined  to  sustain  the  states  in  their  in- 
dividual Sovereignty,  because  when  that  shall  be  seen 
as  " obviously  impracticable"  under  our  present  con- 
stitution, as  the  convention  who  formed  it,  declared  it 
to  be,  then  will  the  "  Othellos'  occupations  be  gone" 
and  the  boundry  line  be  set  to  an  irregular  and  tumul- 
tuous ambition.  I  would  not  be  understood  as  sensur- 
ing  the  honorable  pursuit  of  fame.  This  passion  truly 
directed,  is  the  glory  of  man.  Washington  is  one  of 
the  brightest  examples,  in  its  pursuit !  I  will  further 
remark  here,  that,  our  free  trade,  and  uninterupted  in- 
tercourse between  the  states,  by  land  and  water,  now 
free  from  "  imports"  and  other  taxation,  as  the  winds 
which  wafts  it  a  long  our  whole  seaboard,  and  the 
rivers  of  the  interior;  which,  together  with  our  Ca- 
nals, Rail-Roads,  and  other  national  improvements, 
if  not  blighted  by  your  nulifications,  must  continue  to 


P5 

increase  our  free  international  commerce,  and  speedi- 
ly produce  the  best  market  in  the  world  for  the  con- 
sumption of  our  staple  productions ;  and  thus  ulti- ' 
mately  fill  up  the  measure  of  our  glorious  Union  and 
Independence ! 

f  Permit  me  now  to  sketch  a  parellel  to  our  existance, 
in  separate  state  Sovereignties.  About  one  thousand 
years  ago  the  Emperor  Charlemagne  attained  to  the 
sway  of  Europe,  and  after  his  death  the  Empire  split  into 
about  nine  hundred  independent  Sovereignties.  The 
scenes  of  blood  began ;  each  Baron,  or  Chieftain,  con- 
tended with  the  others,  for  increase  of  dominion ; — and 
that  devoted  country,  to  this  day,  presents  the  uncea- 
sing groans  of  a  political  Volcano,  and  ready  to  burst 
forth,  every  moment.  It  is  now,  governed  by  about 
three  hundred  distinct  Sovereignties ;  and  the  great 
body  of  the  people  exist, — in  humiliated  poverty ;  and 
are  driven  to  exercise  the  most  ferocious  passions  a- 
gainst  their  nearest  neighbours.  All  these  sovereign- 
ties are  now  sustained  in  perpetual  preparation  for 
war  with  each  other,  and  which  frequently  depends  on 
the  mere  breath  of  a  single  individual,  who  may  have 
become  affronted  with  his  neighbouring  Chieftain, 
perhaps  at  the  instigation  of  some  modern  Helen,  or 
Cleopatra,  or  on  some  diplomatic  quibble,  always  at 
hand,  when  war  is  declared.  After  this  thousand  years 
round  of  bloodshed,  Napoleon  Buonaparte,  had  again 
nearly  grappled  the  whole,  and  brought  Europe  to 
the  point,  of  sole  dominion,  where  Charlemagne  had 
left  it  a  thousand  years  before.  This,  Sir,  is  in  amount, 
the  history  of  Europe  for  the  thousand  years  last  past, 
and  may  serve  as  a  model,  to  minds  capable  of  critical 
investigation,  on  the  doctrine  of  chances,  in  our  State 
Sovereignties,  for  a  thousand  years  to  come. 

Will  you,  Sir,  now  pause  with  me  for  a  moment,  at 
the  verge  of  the  precipice,  to  whichfacts,  of  our  own 
experience,  not  "  opinions,"  have,  again  brought  us 
back  in  full  review  ?  and  to  which  the  states  in  their 
Sovereignty  had  led  the  people  of  the  United  States 
in  1787,  as  stated  in  No.  3.  Can  you  now  believe,  and 
yet  hold  it^as  your  "confirmed  opinion,  that  on  the 


(21) 

"recognition  and  continuance  of  our  utatesin  their 
"  individual  Sovereignty,  depends  the  stability  and 
"  safety  of  our  political  institutions?  "  Sir,  your  mis- 
givings have  become  apparent,  as  in  many  other  parts 
of  your  production,  and  you  do  well  now  to  state, 
that,  "  /  am  not  ignorant,  that  those  opposed  to  the 
"  doctrine  (of  State  Sovereignty,}  have  always,  now 
"  and  formerly,  regarded  it  in  a  different  light,  as 
"'  monarchical  and  revolutionary  !  "  I  am  almost  sorry 
that  you  were  not  "  IGNORANT"  of  this  FACT. 

However  this  may  be  I  proceed  most  joyfully  to 
state,  that,  in  the  direful  emergency,  as  above  stated, 
and  within  one  step  of  a  like  course  of  distructive  con- 
sequences, the  ever  guarding  angle  of  our  union,  once 
more  led  the  way,  in  a  straight  line,  to  the  harbour  of 
our  salvation!  Will  twelve  millions  of  United  Free- 
men now  fail  of  a  redeeming  power  from  the  abbera- 
tions  of  about  three  dozen  of  her  tumultuous  and 
boisterous  sons  ? 

In  the  same  year,  1787,  were  assembled  at  Phila- 
delphia,  a  convention  of  sages,Washington,  Franklin, 
and  Madison  were  among  them,  regularly,  delegated 
and  instructed,  by  their  local  and  separate  state  Sov~  ' 
creignties,  then  in  full  power  and  authority.     You.  * 
repeatedly,  and  nineteen  times  over,  insist  that,  these 
delegates  acted  throughout  in  behalf  of  their  respective  , 
states  only,  and  not  as  from  "  one  aggregate  political 
community,"    This,  is  a  selfevident  fact,  and  needed 
no  repetition,  because  there  was  then  no  "  aggregate," 
or  United  Sovereign  people  in  existance  here,  it  was  to 
effect,  THAT,  as  the  main  object,  which  the  Sovereign" 
people  of  the  states,  by  their  united  convention  was  in 
search  of,  and  which^had  become  absolutely  necessary" 
to  relieve  themselves  from  the  impending  dismember- 
ment of  the  union,  which  the  states,  in  their  Sovereign- 
ties, had  nearly  accomplished.     Of  all  absurdities, 
THAT  on  which  you  now  predicate,  an  existing  state 
Sovereignty,  and  from  the  very  act  (the  present  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States)  by  which  they  unani- 
mously relinquished  it,  is  the  most  derogatory  to  com- 


(SB) 

iiion  sense,  and  acknowledge  fact,  of  any  "sentiment* 
ever  assumed  on  the  public  credulity ! ! ! 

To  proceed.  That  august  body,  unparelleled  in 
the  annals  of  history,  has  displayed  to  an  admir ing- 
world,  a  political  phenomenon, — the  Sovereign  pow- 
er is  not  placed  in  an  individual,  but  in  the  wJiole 
people  of  the  United  States  !  The  military  is  made 
subject  to  the  civil  power,  and  has  now  controled  it, 
both  in  peace  and  war,  for  more  than  forty-three 
years,  and  the  majority  governs  by  universal  suffrage. 
Our  Republic  is  marching  on  a  line  unpracticed  in 
the  history  of  man.  The  eyes  of  philanthropists 
throughout  the  world,  view  every  of  its  seeming  oscil- 
lations with  doubting  and  painful  sensibilities ;  while 
its  foes  glory  in  every  phantom  view  of  its  ruin.  The 
.careful  preservation  of  a  true  history  of  men  and 
things,  is  all  important  to  us,  to  the  world,  and  to 
future  ages.  Every  member  of  this  grand  republic 
should  treasure  up  his  recollection,  and  those  who 
can  write,  to  sustain  their  parts,  and  fearlessly  sketch, 
in  bold  relievo,  the  true  political  character  of  men 
and  things,  whatever  their  station  has  been  or  may  be. 
Political  immorality  has  at  all  times  opened  the  flood- 
gates of  human  woe,  and  made  this  world  an  acelda- 
ma  of  blood. — "Any  thing  is  fair  in  politics,"  say 
some,  and  again,  "  /  care  not  a  d nfor  my  politi- 
cal character,  that  is  fair  game"  &>c. 

Our  Government  was  formed  by  the  unanimous 
vote  of  all  the  States,  when  in  their  separate  Sover- 
eign capacities,  and  nothing  short  of  a  like  vote  will 
be  permitted  to  dissolve  it  as  now  existing  in  their 
united  Sovereignty, — one  and  indivisible. 

Six  thousand  years  are  said  to  have  passed  since 
the  creation,  and  the  United  States  is  the  first  in- 
stance of  a  great  nation,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace, 
whose  religion  was  of  their  own  choice,  whose  poli- 
tics were  derived  from  their  own  experience,  freed 
from  the  power  of  personal  despotisms,  and  from  the 
superstitions  of  the  old  world; — and  thus  choosing 
their  form  of  Government.  Then  it  was,  that  our 
sages  deliberated,  and  by  the  most  happy  combina- 


lion,  they  finally  arranged, entwined,  "consolidated" 
and  formed  our  general  Government,  and  WHOL- 
LY BY  AUGMENTATIONS  OF  POWER 
ADDED  TO  THE  INDIVIDUAL  STATE 
GOVERNMENTS  ! !  This  fact  will  be  demonstra- 
ted in  No.  5.  Can  you,  Sir,  ever  again  repeat  the 
gross  absurdity,  that  these  things  "strip  the  States 
of  their  Sovereignty,  and  degrade  them  in  fact  to 
mere  corporations  ?  " 

If,  however,  to  gratify  individual  State  pride,  you 
chose  to  misname  and  yet  call  our  State  rights,  State 
Sovereignty,  it  may  for  a  while  continue  to  confuse 
the  public  mind,  though  in  either  case,  it  can  only  be 
a  STATE  AFFAIR ;  and  you  cannot  go,  Consti- 
tutionally, one  inch  beyond  your  boundary  line,  with- 
out trespassing  on  some»  other  State  Sovereignty. 
But  our  State  Rights,  as  now  cemented  into  our 
United  Sovereignty,  is  of  free  passport,  and  honora- 
ble mention  throughout  the  world;  they  disdain  to 
quibble,  and  excite  turmoil  and  disunion  by  misrepre* 
Dentations  among  the  people. 


Yours, 

BENJAMIN  ROMAINE. 

STATE  SOVEREIGNTY, 

AND   A   CERTAIN   DISSOLUTION   OF   THE   UNION. 

No.  5. 
SIR, 

In  No.  4,  the  advantages  of  our  union,  and  the 
contrary,  were  delineated. 

It  is  of  general  remark,  "that  the  States  had  given 
away  a  large  portion  of  their  liberties  to  secure  the  rest.' 
Such  is  not  the  fact.  No  important  State  authority, 
which  they  ever  exercised,  under  the  Old  Confedera- 
tion, except  their  adventitious  $nd  mpst  destructive 


(ID 

individual  Sovereignty,  was  yielded  to  the  general 
Government,  that  is  yielded  to themselves  collectively; 
and  in  the  most  ample  manner  and  form,  with  full 
powers  to  enforce  and  sustain  their  undivided  integri- 
ty, from  foreign  attack,  and  internal  aberration.  Not 
only  was  every  State  light  made  sacred,  but  vast 
additional  powers  and  influences  were  guaranteed  to 
them  for  ever; — a  free  press,  a  full  share  of  repre- 
sentation in  both  houses  of  Congress,  to  guard  the 
general  and  local  interests  of  each  State,  and  the  free 
instructions  to  them  in  the  Councils  of  the  nation. 
The  Senators  from  each  State  control  the  President 
in  all  our  foreign  relations,  and  in  his  nominations  to 
office,  both  civil  and  military,  which  appertain  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  Are  these  things, 
and  a  thousand  more,  ."  the  giving  away  of  State 
Rights?"  Each  State  now  stands  erect,  as  a  mighty 
column,  "  consolidated "  in  the  fabric  of  Union,  and 
is  protected  by  the  whole  power  of  it !  That  which 
injures  one  State,  must  injure  all ;  and  no  unjust  or 
unequal  law  can  be  long  sustained,  having  such  ten- 
(dency,  if  it  be  possible  to  afford  relief ;  and  be  as- 
sured Sir,  that  none  of  the  states  would  yield  their 
proud  original,  present  eclat,  and  elevation  in  the  eye 
x>f  the  world,  (and  their  own  united  power ',)  for  all  the 
individual  state  Sovereignty  blessings  you  now  seek  to 
renew  as  under  the  old  confederation. 

Suppose,  Sir,  that,  by  your  influence  and  that  of 
,others,tany  state  should  be  led  to  commence  operations 
on  the  ground  of  its  Sovereignty! — The  first  step 
would  be  individual  and  state  perjury ;  and  the  line  of 
march  through  Rebellion  and  Treason  against  the 
Sovereignty  of  the  Union.  I  will  only  express  an  opinion 
here,  by  way  of  answer,  which  is,  that  not  only  every 
other  State  in  the  Union  would  instantly  proclaim  its 
interdiction  against  such  individual  authority,  but 
that  the  united  Sovereign  people  of  such  State,  them- 
selves would  speedily  arrest  and  settle  the  matter 
with  the  aspirants;  and  without  a  single  effort  of  the 
general  Government ;  as  I  hare  the  best  reasons  to 
Relieve,  old  Connecticut  would  have  done  during  the 


(25) 

•late  war,  on  the  first  overt  act  of  treason,  or  rebellion 
against  the  union,  and  I  also  believe  that  the  people 
of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  would  do  the  same, 
at  this  moment !  It  will  be.  found  that,  the  toil  and  la- 
bour of  our  revolution  is  not  to  be  triffled  with  by  a 
few  daring  and  desperate  individuals. 

To  proceed,  the  convention  having  finished  the 
work  assigned  to  them,  by  their  separate  £tate  Sover- 
eignties, did  on  the  17th  day  of  September,  1787,-"l£e- 
"  solve,  that  the  preceeding  Constitution  be  laid  before 
« the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  and  that 
"  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Convention  that  it  should  af- 
"  terwards  be  submitted  to  a  Convention  of  delegates 
«"  chosen  in  each  state,  by  the  people  thereof,  under  the 
"  recommendation  of  its  Legislature,  for  their  assent 
u  and  ratification." 

In  conformity  to  this  resolution  the  Convention 
finally  closed  their  labours,  by  the  following  (in  part 
recited)  address  to  the  President  of  Congress. 

Sir, — "We  have  now  the  honor  to  submit  to  the 
"  consideration  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  as- 
"  sembled,  that  Constitution  which  has  appeared  to  us 
•4  the  most  advisable," 

"  The  friends  of  our  coujitry  have  long  seen  and 
4i  desired,  that  the  power  of  making  War,  Peace  and 
"Treaties,  that  of  levying  money  and  regulating 
."  commerce,,  and  the  correspondent  executive  and  ju- 
"  dicial  authorities  should  be  fully  and  effectually  ves- 
"  ted  in  the  general  government  of  the  Union.  It  is  OB- 
VIOUSLY IMPRACTICABLE,  in  the  federal  government 
"  of  these  states,  to  secure  all  rights  of  Independent 
"  Sovereignty  to  each  and  yet  provide  for  the  interests 
"  and  safety  of  all" 

"  In  all  our  deliberations  on  this  subject  we  kept 
"  steadily  in  our  view,  that  which  appears  to  us  the 
"  greatest  interest  of  every  true  American,  the  CON- 
*f  SOLIDATION  of  our  Union,  in  which  is  involved  our 
;-  prosperity,  felicity,  safety,  perhaps  our  national  exist- 
"ence.  This  important  consideration,  seriously  and 
"deeply  impressed  on  our  minds,  led  each  state,  in  the 
"  Convention  to  be  less  rigid  on  points  of  inferior  mag- 

3 


(26) 

^nitude,  then  might  have  been  otherwise  expected. 
4i  That  it  may  promote  the  lasting  welfare  of  that 
"  Country  so  dear  to  us  all,  and  secure  her  freedom 
?4  and  happiness,  is  our  most  ardent  wish." 

With  great  respect, 

We  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Sir, 

Your  Excellency's  most 
Obedient  and  Humble  Servants, 
GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  President, 

By  unanimous  order  of  the 
Sept.  17th.  1787.  Convention. 

His  Excellency,  the  President  of  Congress. 

The  Convention  having  thus  recapitulated  the 
main  principles  of  the  Constitution,  in  the  plain  simple 
language  of  it,  and  then,  understood  both  by  natives 
and  foreigners  in  the  same  common  sense  way;  and 
on  the  faith  of  which  they  entered  into  treaties  with 
us  as  a  "  consolidated  "  and  united  people. 

Sir,  you  have  laboured  hard  and  long,  and  wholly 
against  the  OBVIOUS  CURRENT  or  FACTS,  and  with  evi- 
dent perplexity  to  your  own  mind,  in  endeavours  to 
prove  the  fallacy  of  a  continued  existence,  under  our 
present  Constitution,  of  a  plurality  of  independent  So- 
vereignties, as  under  the  old  Confederation ;  when, 
Sir,  to  redeem  the  dread  consequences  in  that  state  of 
things,  (as  proved  in  No.  3,)  became  the  sole  cause  of 
calling  the  convention  by  the  people  of  the  Sovereign 
States! 

The  Convention  also  declares  it  "obviously  im- 
"  practicable,  in  the  federal  Government  of  those 
"States,  to  secure  all  the  rights  of  independent 
"  sovereignty  to  each,  and  yet  provide  for  the  inter- 
"est  and  safety  of  all."  Here  the  Convention  af- 
firms the  abolition  of  the  State  Sovereignties,  as  an 
act  of  plain  common  sense  necessity,  and  to  avoid 
a  downright  absurdity,  from  their  having  "consoMda- 


(27) 

ted"  the  Sovereign  power  in  the  whole  people  of  the 
States  collectively ;  and  who,  by  their  several  inde- 
pendent State  Conventions,  consented  to  be  cloth- 
ed with  every  attribute  of  power,  denominated  su- 
preme, and  as  appertains  to  every  other  Government 
on  earth ;  when  each  state,  tJien  relinquished  its  indi- 
vidual Sovereignty,  and  in  good  faith,  proceeded  so  to 
alter  and  conform  their  several  State  Constitutions 
accordingly.  If  the  State  Sovereignties  had  been 
reserved,  would  they  have  failed  to  mention  it  in  their 
State  Constitutions  ?  or  in  that  of  the  United  States  ? 
Surely,  Sir,  those  sacred  instruments,  and  specially 
the  old  thirteen,  and  those  since  formed,  would  have 
been  made  the  depositories  of  so  sacred  a  reservation ! 

I  am, Yours,  &c. 

BENJ.  ROMAINR 


STAT13  SOVEREIGNTY* 

AND  A  CERTAIN    DISSOLUTION  OF    THE  UNION. 


SIR, 

Ouf  general  government  is  not  now  a  compact, 
contract,  bargain  or  compromise,  between  twenty- 
four  independent  states  Sovereignties;  that  com- 
pact has  been  had,  and  settled.  It  is  now  a  gov^ 
eminent  in  fact,  holding  command,  and  by  order  of 
the  whole  people,  of  all  the  energies  of  supreme  power 
over  the  Union,  to  enforce  and  sustain  its  undivided 
integrity.  It  cannot  now  turn  to  the  right  hand  nor 
to  the  left,  until  it  be  forced  into  a  display  of  the  peo- 
ples power,  by  some  overt  act,  of  daring  obstruction  to 
its  straight  forward,  constitutional  course. 

If  the  executive  arm  shall  fail,  or  refuse  to  en- 
force the  supreme  laws,  or  other  misdemeanor,  or  tu- 
multuous excitement,  then  will  the  peoples'  resrved 
power,  through  THEIR  immediate  representatives,  irt 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  resume  the  execit^ 
tive  command,  and  impeach  such  delinquent,  at  the 


fiar  of  the  Nation ;  whether  it  be  the  President,  the 
Vice  President,  or  other  individual  who  may  be  called 
to  exercise  the  Executive  Authority  ;  Then,  Sir,  will 
the  supreme  judiciary  preside,  and  the  Senate 
of 'the  United  States,  the  immediate  representatives  of 
the  states,  as  states  collectively,  try  and  adjudge 
such  delinquent,  in  conformity  to  the  Sacred  Charter 
of  Union. 

The  Governor  of  Connecticut,  on  the  request  of  Miv 
Jefferson,  then  President  of  the  United  States,  to  have, 
I  think,  437  men  from  that  state,  to  enable  him  to  en- 
force the  law  of  Embargo  on  that  coast,  was  denied  by 
the  Governor,  declaring  "the  law  of  the  United  States 
to  be  unconstitutional !  yes  UNCONSTITUTIONAL  as  the 
tariff  laws  are  now  also  declared  to  be  by  the  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States!" 

I  have  often  thought,  and  do  now  believe,  that  if 
Mr.  Jefferson  had  enforced  the  law  of  Embargo,  in 
Connecticut  at  that  time  by  Continental  Troops,  or 
had  only  called  on  the  people  of  Connecticut,  that  437 
naked  steels,  both  Federal  and  Republican,  would 
have  leaped  from  their  seaboards  to  sustained  him,  in 
support  of  the  general  government.  In  such  case,  we 
should  never  have  had  the  late  and  leading  re- 
solves of  the  scholars  of  that  notorious  Englishman, 
and  noted  monarchist,  President  Cooper  (already 
mentioned)  of  South  Carolina  College,  nor  of  the  Col- 
leton,  and  present  resolutions  of  South  Carolina ;  and 
now  led  on  by  their  leaders,  governor  and  all,  to  the 
borders  of  rebellion,  in  their  opposition  to  the  TARIFF 
LAWS! 

President  Jackson  will  shortly  be  put  to  the  test,  as 
respects  his  courage  and  veracity,  in  the  execution  of 
the  laws  of  the  United  States,  in  South  Carolina;  or 
in  some  Southern  Convention  about  to  be  raised  up, 
and  in  opposition  to  the  Union,  over  which  he  now 
presides. 

Respecting^  the  Hartford  Convention  in  1814,  at 
the  East,  it  lias  been  repeatedly  declared  and  never  de- 
nied, that  General  Jackson,  affirmed,  that  if  he  had 


(29) 

been  in  command  there,  he  would  have  hung  their 
main  leaders,  "  by  the  second  article  of  war!"  Our 
Southern  Brethren  would  do  wisely  to  see  to  this 
thing,  in  this  year  of  our  Lord  1832! 

Wrong  precedents  in  a  government  like  ours,  we  al- 
ready see,  become  big  with  future  evils,  and  which 
ought  to  be  speedily  and  firmly  corrected.  It  is  thus  on- 
ly that  our  general  government  can  attain  and  maintain 
a  fixed  character,  as  respects  the  exercise  of  its  Sov- 
ereign power,  amidst  the  present  and  most  daring  as- 
sumptions, on  the  ground  of  state  Supremacy.     I  have 
now  no  doubt  this  will  ultimately  demand  of  the  only 
true  Sovereign  authority,  some  high  display  of  its 
Constitutional  energies   to  preserve  itself;  or  relin- 
quish ingloriously,  to   a  few  desparate  and  daring  . 
spirits,  to  be  found  in  every  state,  the  entire  glory  of 
our  revolution! — Have  I  here  seemed  to  express  a 
doubt  of  the  energies  of  twelve  millions  of  free-men  to 
sustain  their  present  proud  stand  among  the  nations 
of  this  earth  ?   Perish  the  dastardly  conception  for- 
ever! This  error  of  evil  omen,  having  silently  passed " 
along  in  the  current  of  our  time,  and  without  any  gen- 
eral discussion,  has  really  so  far  entered  into  a  general 
belief,  as  to  startle  many  of  our  informed  citizens  to ' 
hear  it  denied,  that  the  States  are  not  now,  nor  have 
been   Sovereign   since  the  adoption  of  the  United 
States  Constitution.     It  would  be  well  to  begin  a  new7, 
and  reflect  on  the  true  meaning  of  the  word  Sovereign- 
ty, as  understood  at  the  adoption  o'f  our  Constitution. 
'It  is  the  supreme  power  in  all  communities!"  and  even 
two  Sovereigns  in  the  same  community  is  an  absurdi- 
ty; and  the  practical  operation  of  twenty-four,  would 
speedily  require  to  erect  a  Bedlum  for  the  incurables, 
wherein  to  ruminate,  on  the  possible  doctrine  of  chance* 
in  the  regions  of  Political  disquisition ;    "  calculating 
the  value  of  the  Union?  as  you  observe. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  alone  speaks 
like  a  Sovereign.  From  the  pinnacal  of  the  Temple  to 
Union,  the  Majesty  of  a  free  people  proclaims,—"  We 
the  people  of  the  United  States!  " 


vox  POPUM  vox  DEI! 

We— Lay  and  collect  Taxes  throughout  the  United 

States. 
We— Borrow   money  on  the  credit  of  the  United 

States. 

We — Regulate  Commerce. 
We — Establish  uniform  rules  of  Naturalization. 
We — Coin  money. 

We — Define  Piracies,  and  punish  treason: 
We — Declare  War,  and  make  Peace. 
We — Raise  and  support  Armies, 
We — Provide  for  calling  forth  the  Militia  to  execute 

the  laws. 

We — Suppress  Insurrections,  and  repel  Invasions. 
We — Provide   for  Organizing  and  Dissiplining  the 
Militia  and  governing  such  parts  of  them  as 
may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States. 
We — Guarantee  to  the  several  states  a  Republican 

form  of  Government. 
We — Have  defended  Treason :  and 
We — Make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  into   execution  the  aforego- 
ing powers,  and  all   other  powers,  invested  by 
this  Constitution,  in  the  government  of  theUnited 
States,  or  any  department,  or  office  thereof. 
Such  are  the  outlines  of  the  Temple  of  our  ' 4  Con- 
stitution"    I  do  indeed  mistake,  Sir,  if  a  "  common 
Arbiter"  shall  fail  now  to  be  found,  in  any  and  every 
case  of  overt  act  of  insurrection,  rebellion  and  treason, 
within  the  boundries  of  the  Constitution,  whether  such 
acts  be  perpetrated  in  South  Carolina,  or  any  other 
state ;  and  that  common  Arbiter  is,  and  ever  will  be, 
the  vote  of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled! 

It  was  indeed  feared,  and  believed,  by  some,  at 
that  day,  that  the  general  would  destroy  the  State 
Governments,  and  become  dangerous  to  civil  and 
(political  freedom.  It  does  appear  to  me  a  most  da- 
ring attempt,  or  a  gross  infatuation  on  your  part, 


-at  this  day,  to  suppose  the  least  of  it,  now  again  and 
merely  on  temporary  commercial  grounds,  as  du- 
ring the  late  war,  to  raise  this  sfyame-faced  question, 
and  by  way  of  threat,  and  the  menace  of  State 
Sovereignty  nullifications,  to  dissolve  the  Union, 
stands  wholly  unprecedented  in  determined  purpose. 
You  have  placed  the  deceased  patriot,  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, in  your  Van,  in  this  new  career,  and  the  ma- 
terials for  his  posthumous  sacrifice,  have  beerj 
sought  and  triumphantly  published,  and  said  to  be 
found  written  on  "scraps  of  paper,  in  his  secret 
family  bureau,  of  date  1798,"  as  favouring  your 
nullifying  "sentiments  and  opinions"  This  immo- 
lation may  also  serve  to  cover  a  retreat,  if  necessary, 
from  the  apprehended  reprobation  of  twelve  millions 
of  united  freemen ;  although  you  now  declare  your- 
self "regardless  of  their  effects  personally" 

The  Constitution  was  opposed  mostly  in  the  large 
states,  and  in  the  then  Sovereign  Convention  of  this 
State,  convened  in  1789,  to  pass  upon  the  adoption 
or  rejection  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
it  was  declared  that,  "  it  robbed  the  states  of  their 
<>  Sovereignty,  that  it  was  a  mammoth,  would  swallow 
"  up  the  state  governments,  destroy  civil  and  political 
"  liberty^  reduce  the  states  to  mere  ''Corporations? 
"  and  that  the  great  Convention  itself,  had  declared 
"  it  to  be  a  'CONSOLIDATION,'  &c."  Here,  Sir,  we  have 
discovered  the  embryo,  the  alpha  and  the  omega  of 
the  whole  nullification  system. 

At  this  time  a  party  arose  denominating  them- 
selves anti-federalists,  that  is,  adhering  to  the  old 
confederation,  State  Sovereignty.  From  long  habit, 
these  words  were  continued  in  general  use,  alter 
the  present  Constitution  went  into  full  effect,  but 
the  idea  of  a  supreme  power  continuing  to  be  attach- 
ed to  the  states,  individually,  as  under  the  Con- 
federation, would,  at  that  day,  and  now,  as  I  fre- 
quently find  on  explanation,  be  deemed  an  ab- 
surdity, as  it  really  is.  You  repeat  this  fallacy 
nineteen  times !  it  is  your  repeats  which  carry  with 
them  a  smothering  of  better  judgment  The  re- 


(32) 

maining  state  rights  COULD  only  be  ment.  Thu& 
have  the  words  "State  Sovereignty,"  crept  along 
under  masked  State  Batteries,  for  forty-three  years; 
and  the  Vice  President  of  the  United  States  is  the 
first  now  to  proclaim  State  Sovereignty,  not  only  in 
the  literal  sense  of  the  word,  but  in  a  superabundance 
.of  supreme  and  paramount  power,  of  which  the 
"United  States  Government  is  but  its  unere  crea- 
ture? 

Yours,  <fec. 

BENJAMIN  ROMAINE. 


STATE  SOVEREIGNTY, 

AND   A   CERTAIN   DISSOLUTION   OF   THE   UNION. 

No.  7. 
SIR, 

It  was  shewn  in  No.  6,  that  none  of  the  state  - 
Constitutions  now  assume  individual  Sovereignty  as 
under  the  old  confederation ;  that,  if  the  states  had  in- 
tended to  retain  their  Sovereignty,  they  would  have 
so  instructed  their  several  delegates  in  the  Conven- 
tion, or  have  refused  to  sanction  the  Constitution,  as 
the  words  State  Sovereignty  are  not  even  mentioned 
in  it ;  but  it  is  declared  by  the  Convention,  to  be  "  ob- 
viously impracticable,  in  the  federal  government  of 
these  states !" 

Every  true  American  should  raise  his  voice,  loud 
and  incessant,  against  all  doctrines  calculated  to 
weaken,  divide  and  confound  the  allegiance  of  the 
whole  people,  of  the  United  States,  to  the  Constitution. 
We  all  inhabit  some  one  or  other  of  the  states.  Now 
says  one,  I  hold  to  the  existence  of  twenty-four  inde- 
pendent state  Sovereignties,  on  Vice  President  Cal- 
houn's  plan,  and  therefore  deem  my  allegiance  to  be 
due  to  my  " native  stale"  and  if  they  all  say  so, or  two 


thirds,  as  you  observe,  then  is  tlie  union  dissolved 
But  if  all  adhere  to  the  United  States  Sovereignty 
and  sole  allegiance,  then  we  remain  a  united  nation. 

You  say.  "  /  do  not  deny  that  a  power  so  high  as 
State  Sovereignty,,  may  be  abused  by  a  State  ;  but 
tliat  the  love  of  national  power  and  distinction,  the 
danger  is  on  the  side  of  the  union?  As  respects  "  the 
love  of  distinction"  Sir,  where  an  individual  sways 
the  Sovereign  power,  the  greater  danger  no  doubt  is 
on  that  side ;  but  in  our  national  Sovereignty,  experi- 
ence abundantly  proves  the  danger  to  be,  not  on  the 
due  exercise  of  state  rights,  but  notoriously,  on  state 
<is$umptions  of  Sovereignty  not  retained  !  Hence  a 
few  state  leaders  are  so  repeatedly  found  able  to  excite 
to  the  most  dangerous,  and  daring  usurpations  on  the 
mild  and  dignified  character  of  the  general  govern- 
ment ;  but  not  a  single  instance  exists,  where  the  na- 
tional government  has  given  the  smallest  sign  of  en- 
croachment on  the  state  rights.  Nay,  such  act  would 
be  in  total  repugnance  to  its  own  existence  !  Oar  ad- 
mirable Constitution,  having  so  entwined  and  "  Con- 
solidated" our  state  and  general  governments,  as  to 
render  the  one  absolutely  indispensible  to  the  existence 
of  the  other;  and  specially  the  general  government, 
wholly  depends,  for  the  constant  renewal  of  its  own 
existence,  on  the  preservation  of  state  rights !  There 
cannot  then  be  a  single  motive  to  encroach  on  those 
rights.  The  state  assumptions  by  repetition  have  ac- 
quired great  strength,  and  may  ultimately  demand  of 
the  only  true  Sovereign  authority,  some  high  display 
of  its  Constitutional  energies  to  preserve  itself.  Ex- 
perience proves  that  our  general  government  still  de- 
mands the  most  vigilent  foresight,  and  determined  en- 
ergy of  the  whole  people  to  preserve  it  from  state  ab- 
errations. We  shall  always  have  an  abundance  of 
state  aspirants,  would  be  Lords  and  Barons,  who 
have  missed  their  aim  of  ambition  in  higher  pursuits, 
and  to  whom  your  state  Sovereignty  affords  a  wide 
field  for  display.  The  general  Sovereignty  is,  and  has 
always  been  the  object  of  their  fears  and  hate! 
Again,  Sir,  on  the  moral  point,  man  first  loves  himself, 

5 


(34) 

x 

his  family,  his  neighbourhood,  city,  and  state  follow* 
in  the  scale  of  his  attachments;  but  to  embrace  a 
union  of  states,  requires,  not  only  a  more  than  extra- 
ordinary share  of  intellect,  but  the  expansion  of  a  be- 
'  nevolent  patriotism.  It  has  been  fully  proved,  in  No.  3, 
that  all  our  partialites  hung  on  the  state  Sovereign- 
ties, in  1787,  to  the  very  brink  of  ruin,  and  nearly  to 
the  total  abortion  of  all  our  acquisitions  attained  by 
the  revolution ;  and  the  deep  deceptions  now  practising 
on  the  good  people  of  South  Carolina,  is  full  evidence 
of  like  attachment  at  this  day. 

These  confiding  people,  are  now  excited,  and,  as 
said,  "  goaded  on"  to  elect  two-thirds  of  both  houses 
of  their  State  Legislature  favourable  to  your  nullifi- 
cation.— That  in  such  event  only,  can  that  Legislature 
call  a  State  Constitution, — whose  power  alone  can  de- 
clare, and  bring  the  state  back  to  its  original  Sover- 
eignty, and  absolve  them  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
United  States.  If  this  device  prevails,  then  will  your 
State  Legislature  and  their  Convention  assume  the 
entire  responsibility.  Then  will  the  legerdemain  be 
complete,  and  the  nation  plunged  into  a  civil  war, 
for  protecting  the  people  against  foreign  monopoly. 

We  had  been  accustomed  to  use  the  words  State 
Sovereignty  and  Independence  with  veneration  and 
correctness  from  the  4th  day  of  July  1776,  up  to  the 
4th  day  of  March  1789,  twelve  years  and  eight  months, 
when  the  present  Constitution  went  into  full  effect. 
On  this  all  important  transition,  or  change  "of  the 
relations  between  the  states  and  general  government," 
it  only  required  to  put  in  use  their  true  substituted 
fact  meaning,  Viz. — State  Rights,  in  the  stead  of  con- 
tinuing the  words  State  Sovereignty,'  which  became 
abrogated,  on  the  adoption  of  the  present  Constitution. 
These  two  words  is  the  true  hocus-pocus,  of  all  the  state 
aspirants  from  that  day  to  this.     What  shall  restrain 
aSovereign  power  but  its  limitations,if  the  states  are  all 
Sovereign,  then  is  the  United  States  Sovereignty  an- 
nihilated ;  and  this  is  the  sum  of  the  whole  matter  at 
issue  / 


(35) 

What  is  the  general  government,  but  the  aggregate 
of  state  rights  ?  The  state  authorities,  legislative, 
judiciary  and  executive,  are  in  the  constant  exercise  of 
those  retained  rights,  to  sustain  their  united  Sover- 
eignty. It  certainly  borders  on  the  ridiculous,  even 
to  suppose  this  united  Sovereignty  to  seek  to  injure  or 
distroy  the  state  rights  by  which  alone  that  Sovereign- 
ty can  continue  to  exist !  Nevertheless  in  every  in- 
dividual and  state  aberration,  the  first  we  hear,  is  state 
Sovereignty,  and  a  vast  concern  about  the  infringe- 
ments on  "paramount"  state  rights.  Your  "senti- 
ments" are  now  before  the  people,  who  will  ultimate- 
ly judge  truly  of  your  moral  and  political  sanity  in 
the  premises.  "  Mene  Mene  Tecal"  is  already  writ- 
ten on  the  walL  "  He  has  been  weighed  in  the 
balances  and  found  wanting." 

I  have  read  somewhere  that — such  is  the  nature  of 
untruth,  that,  if  not  arrested  in  its  course,  would,  not 
only  destroy  a  kingdom,  or  a  nation,  but  the  whole  cre- 
ation of  theAlmighty  throughout  the  infinitude  of  space! 

It  is  indeed  lamentable  to  know,  and  disgraceful  to 
reflect,  that,  during  forty-two  years  our  beloved 
country  should  have  been  kept  in  almost  perpetual 
broils,  from  the  repeated  threats,  mere  quibbles,  false- 
hoods, and  misrepresentations  of  the  words  "State 
Sovereignty;"  and  which,  during  this  period,  has 
been  frequently  made  to  shake  the  union  to  its  centre ! 

Your  nineteen  repetitions  of  "Sovereign  parties 
to  a  Compact,  "or  joint  Commission"  as  you  have  it, 
wherein  each  partner  contracts  for  the  right,  at  any 
time,  to  nullify  and  break  up  the  whole  concern,  is 
certainly  very  novel.  Sound  minds,  among  the  people,, 
will  always  think  there  is  some  mistake  about  it  on 
your  part,  as  there  never  before  had  been  known  or 
heard  of,  thirteen  sane  individuals,  or  even  thirteen 
states,  who  had  made  such  "  COMPACT  !"  again,  Sir, 
shall  we  now  confound  the  common  understanding  by 
abstract  subtilties,  and  inform  the  world  in  the  face  of 
all  our  solemn  treaties  made  with  it, — "  thai  foreign- 
ers do  not  understand  the  relations  which  the  state* 
and  general  government  now  bear  to  each  other  ^ 


(36) 

That  the  Sovereign  states,  "  as  distinct  parties,"  and 
by  way  of  Compact  made  with  each  other,  had  indeed 
accepted  their  United  Sovereignty ;  yet,  and  never- 
theless, that  each  Sovereign  state,  held  a  paramount 
power,  as  a  reserved  state  right,  to  put  their  "  Veto? 
or  nullification  on  their  own  laws,  as  made  in  their 
United  Sovereign  capacity ! 

Let  natives  and  foreigners,  at  all  times  keep  a  steady 
eye,  to  the  plain  facts  in  our  Constitution,  and  guard 
against  the  misrepresentations,  and  falsehoods,  which 
are  repeatedly  made  to  surround  it ;  then  will  they 
be  no  longer  perplexed,  confounded,  deceived  and  dis- 
couraged in  their  support  and  imitations  of  our  un- 
paralleled model  of  government.  If  this  be  neglected 
by  ourselves,  the  world  will  shortly  turn  from  us 
in  disgust,  and  cease  to  imitate  our  institutions,  as 
discordant  and  unintelligible;  and  oppressed  man 
loose  his  hope  of  relief  from  the  personal  despotisms ; 
and  we,  at  no  distant  day,  be  driven  back  to  the 
verge  of  the  precipice  which  the  states  in  their  separate 
Sovereignties  had  led  the  people  of  the  United  States 
in  1787,  as  before  described.  Then,  Sir,  there  may 
be  no  uniting  arm  to  save  us  from  the  tyranny,  of 
perhaps  twenty-four,  or  may  be  fifty  petty  Sovereigns* 
and  their  special  court  parricites,  both  male  and  fe- 
male, seeking  broils,  hatreds,  and  open  war-fare  with, 
their  nearest  neighbours. 

It  is  indeed,  Sir,  almost  incredible,  that,  from  1787 
to  the  present  day,  has  this  state  Sovereign  phantom 
been  kept  up  and  displayed,  by  way  of  political  in- 
cantation, in  all  and  every  of  the  aberrations  against 
the  general  government ;  and  specially  in  every  im- 
maginary,  local,  and  temporary  interest  of  states  or  in- 
dividuals. We  have  seen  this  Sovereign  Talisman 
raised,  clothed,  and  sent  forth  among  the  people,  in  all 
the  solemnities  of  Samuel's  Ghost !  and  but  for  this, 
my  honorable  friend  would  have  been  spared  thetrouble, 
and  great  perplexity,  in  writing  NINETEEN  columns, 
of  close  newspaper  print,  to  sustain  a  NONENTITY  ! 

Yours,  &G,        BENJAMIN  ROMAINE. 


STATE  SOVEREIGNTY* 

AND   A   CERTAIN   DISSOLUTION   OF   THE   UNION. 

No.  8. 
SIR, 

In  No.  7,  the  absolute  necessity  of  sole  Alle- 
giance to  the  United  States  Constitution,  were  shown 
to  be  indispensible  to  union;  that  the  aggregate  of 
state  rights  is  the  compositive  of  the  United  States 
Sovereignty,  &c. 

Recent  accounts,  from   the   United   Republican 
States  of  Mexico  !  say,  that  General  Santa- Ann,  is  now 
also  at  the  head  of  a  state  Sovereignty  party,  and  has 
demanded  of  their  Vice  President,  "to  dismiss  his  Cab- 
inet Ministers  because  of  their  adherance  to  CENTRAL- 
ISM," by  which  the  United  Sovereign  power  is  ment. 
Your  publication  of  1831,  in  all  probability  haspro- 
luced  this  movement  inMexico.  If  Santa- Ann  succeeds 
"ollowing  up  the  high  example  now  set  before  him  by 
he  Vice  President  of  the  great  mother  of  republican - 
sm,  it  will  need  no  prophet  to  foretell  the  destiny  of 
he  Mexican  Republic;  and,  in  all  probability  the 
ate  of  the  other  seven  Republics,  spread  over  the  vast 
ind  delightful  regions  of  South  America. 

These  republics  have  been  struggling  to  attain  some 
fix  ed  form,  for  more  than  twenty  years ;  first  in  imi- 
tation of  our  model,  which,  if  it  had  gone  to  these 
people,  in  its  pristine  beauty  and  simplicity,  and  freed 
from  the  polluted  contaminations  of  our  restless  po- 
litions,  these  republics,  together  with  our  own,  it  is 
reasonable  to  believe,  would,  long  eer  this  day,  have 
perfected  their  institutions,  and  now  presented  a  line 
of  republican  fronts  along  the  whole  range  of  the  At- 
lantic Ocean,  on  the  East,  and  the  Pacific  on  the 
West,  reaching  onward,  and  preparing  the  way  for 
the  multiplication  of  republics,  as  man  shall  increase, 
until  they  arrive  near  to  the  eastern  boundary  of  the 
Russian  Autocrat. 


The  great  danger  to  the  liberty,  peace,  power  and 
happiness  of  the  American  Republics  is,  their  split- 
ting into  petty  State  Sovereignties.  The  opinion 
which  long  prevailed,  that  "Republics  could  only 
exist  in  small  territories,"  and  which  you  now  fa- 
vour, has  become  reversed,  I  trust,  where  the  Sover- 
eign power  is  "consolidated"  in  the  great  body  of 
the  people,  as  with  us,  operating  through  their  grand 
lever  and  regulator,  the  elective  franchise. 

You  thus  proceed,  and  again  repeat,  "that  our 
"  United  States  Constitution  was  formed  by  delegates 
"  from  the  people,  while  in  their  separate  and  Sover- 
eign State  capacity.  That  it  IS  a  compact,  (I 
"  would  say  WAS  a  compact  )  and  that  the  several 
44  States,  or  parties,  have  a  right  to  judge  of  its  in- 
"  fractions ;  and  in  case  of  a  deliberate,  palpable, 
"  and  dangerous  exercise  of  power,  NOT  DELEGA- 
44  TED,  they  have  a  right,  IN  THE  LAST  RESORT,  to 
"  interfere  for  arresting  the  progress  of  the  evil, 
"  and  'for  maintaining  within  their  RESPECTIVE 
"  LIMITS  the  authorities,  rights  and  liberties  ap~ 
"pertaining  to  them.  Again. — That  the  resolu- 
44  tions  of  the  general  Assembly  of  Virginia,  relates 
"to  those  GREAT  AND  EXTRAORDINARY 
"  CASES,  IN  WHICH  ALL  THE  FORMS 
«  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION,  MAY  prove  in- 
44  effectual  against  infractions  dangerous  to  the 
44  essentianl  rights  of  the  parties  to  it.  The  ResO' 
"  lution  again  SUPPOSES,  thai  dangerous  pow- 
44  ers,  NOT  DELEGATED,  MAY  not  only  be 
"  usurped,  and  executed  by  the  DEPARTMENTS, 
44  but  that  the  Judiciary  Department  MAYT  also 
"  exercise,  or  sanction,  dangerous  powers  beyond 
44  the  grant  of  the  Constitution,  and  consequently 
44  that  the  ultimate  right  of  the  parties  to  the  Con- 
44  stitution  to  judge,  whether  the  Compact  has  been 
44  dangerously  violated,  must  extend  to  violations  by 
"  one  delegi'*'  d  Authority,  as  well  as  by  the  other. 
4iby  the  Judiciary,  as  well  as  by  the  Executive* 
"or  Legislative"  * 


Hero,  Sir,  you  divide  and  prostrate,  at  one  fell 
swoop,  the  entire  unity  of  the  general  Government, 
Judiciary,  Legislative  and  Executive,  nothing 
now  remains  fixed,  and  permanent,  except  your 
plural  Sovereignties. 

Really  Sir,  we  may  suppose  any  thing.  The  force, 
however,  of  such  like  suppositions,  as  above,  and  as 
made  in  1798,  in  the  great  electioneering  struggle  to 
place  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  chair  of  the  union,  is  now 
lost  by  the  extravagance  of  them.  As  now  applied  to 
our  government,  on  the  Tariff  question,  and  protect- 
ing system,  they  are  wholly  irrelative. 

You  proceed  to  say, — "  that  this  right  of  interpo- 
u  sition.  thus  solomnly  asserted  by  the  state  of  Vir- 
"  ginia,  be  it  called  what  it  may,  State  Right,  Veto, 
"  Nullification  or  by  any  other  name,  /  conceive  to  be 
"  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  system  !  and 
"  that  the  error  is  in  the  assumption  that  the  general 
"government  is  apart  of  the  Constitutional  Com- 
"  pact!"  It  is  the  Constitution  itself,  as  I  understand  it. 

May  the  heavens  protect  us  from  your  "  state  Sov- 
ereignty parties  to  our  Constitution  of  general  govern- 
ment." Every  general  law  is  henceforth  to  be  made 
subject  to  the  whim,  caprice,  or  special  local  interest 
of  every  state  in  the  union,  to  be  determined  on  by 
their  several  state  leaders  of  party  !  and  to  call  a  Uni- 
ted States  Convention  to  settle  them  as  they  occur. 

Again  you  repeat,  yes  repeat,  "  that  if  one  party 
"  has  the  right  to  judge  of  infractions  of  the  Consti- 
"  tution,  so  has  the  other,  and  that  consequently,  in 
"  case  of  contested  powers  between  the  states,  and  gen- 
"eral  government,  each  would  have  the  right  to 
"  maintain  its  opinion,  as  is  the  case  when  Sovereign 
"  powers  differ  in  the  construction  of  treaties,  or  com- 
"  pacts,  and  that  of  course,  it  would  come  to  be  a  mere 
"  question  of  FORCE  !" 

If  your  premises  be  true,  and  your  conclusions  in 
conformity  to  the  present  Constitution,  then  is  our 
country  in  an  awfnl  condition,  and  a  Convention  of 
the  twenty-four  states  ought  to  be  called  without  de- 


(40) 

lay,  as  in  1787,  and  as  the  Constitution  directs,  to  re- 
lieve us,  once  more  from  the  dread  consequences  of  this 
"  State  Sovereignty  /"  If  false,  you  are  now  under  a 
vast  responsibility. 

I  am, Yours,  &c. 

BENJ.  ROMAINE. 


STATE  SOVEREIGNTY, 

AND  A  CERTAIN    DISSOLUTION  OF    THE  UNION. 

No.  9. 
SIR, 

In  No.  8,  your  quotations  from  the  Virginia  and 
Kentucky  resolutions  were  in  part  considered.  You 
proceed  to  say  that — "  should  the  general  government, 
•*'  and  a  state  come  into  conflict,  we  have  a  higher 
"  remedy ;  the  power  which  called  the  general  govern- 
"ment  into  existence,  and  which  gave  it  all  its  au- 
thorities, may  be  invokved.  The  utmost  extent  then 
"of  the  power  is,  that  a  state,  acting  in  its  Sovereign- 
"  ty,  and  as  one  of  the  parties  to  the  Constitutional 
"  Compact,  may  compel  the  government,  created  b  y 
"that  Compact,  to  submit  any  question,  touching 
"its  infractions  to  the  parties  who  created  it*" 

The  Constitution  provides  for  amendments,  only 
on  application  of  two-thirds  of  the  state  Legislatures, 
or  two-thirds  of  both  houses  of  Congress,  a  convention 
shall  be  called,  &/c.  But  no  provision  is  made,  by  the 
present  Constitution,  to  refer  any  dispute  between  the 
general  government  and  a  state,  to  the  collective  bo- 
dy of  states,  as  sovereign  parties  to  any  Compact. 
Such,  indeed,  was  the  rule  under  the  confederation, 
when  Congress  legislated  on  the  states,  as  Sovereign- 
ties, by  requisition  for  all  their  wants ;  and  not  as  at 
present,  by  command's,  on  the  whole  people  of  the 
United  States  collectively.  You  have  constantly  de- 
ceived yourself  and  us,  by  using  the  word  Compact 
indiscriminately  in  both  cases.  The  present  Consti- 
tution, (not  now  a  Compact)  provides  for  the  adjust- 
ment of  your  nullification  dispute,  by  the  judiciary  of 


(41) 

the  United  States,  having  jurisdiction  "in  all  cases  of 
law  and  equity,  arising  under  it,  in  controversies  to 
which  the  United  States  shall  be  a  party."  This  is 
your  present  assumption.  On  this  dilemma  you  rea- 
son at  great  length  on  possible  hypothesis,  and  finally 
are  obliged  to  cut  the  gordian  not,  and  openly  pros- 
trate the  present  judiciary  power,  before  the  shrine  of 
your  "Sovereignty  parties"  to  the  old  confederatioa 
Compact,  with  which  it  has  nothing  to  do.  Never- 
theless, in  the  next  breath,  you  exclain, — "  I  yield,  I 
44  trust  to  few,  in  attachment  to  the  judiciary  depart- 
44  ment.  I  am  fully  sensible  of  its  importance ;  BUT* 
"  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  believe,  that  it  was  ever  in- 
44  tended  by  the  Constitution,  that  it  should  exercise  the 
44  power  in  question,  or,  that  it  is  competent  to  do  so ; 
44  and  if  it  were,  that  it  would  be  an  unsafe  depository 
"  of  the  power."  You  thus  fritter  away,  piece-meal, 
every  of  its  provisions,  which  fail  to  suit  your  purposes ; 
and  finally  declare  that  "  the  general  principles  of  the 
Constitution  itself  are  brought  into  question  !  There 
is  no  disguise  here. 

Now  follows  your  "  sentiments  and  opinions,"  in  re- 
lation to  the  right  of  the  majority  to  govern,  and  the 
contrary.  You  begin,  and  in  like  eulogy,  as  on  the 
judiciary ;  "  no  one  can  have  a  higher  respect  for  the 
44  MAXIM  that  the  majority  ought  to  govern  than  I  have, 
"taken  in  its  proper  sense:  subject  to  the  restraints 
"  contained  in  the  Constitution,  (I  know  of  none)  and 
*•  confined  to  subjects  in  which  every  portion  of  the 
"  community  have  similar  interests :  (there  never  was 
44  such  a  community)  but  it  is  a  great  error  to  suppose 
44  that  the  right  of  the  majority  to  govern  is  a  nation- 
44  ly  right,  and  not  a  Conventional  right.  Where  the 
44  interests  are  the  same,  that  is  where  the  laws  that 
44  may  benefit  one  will  benefit  all,  it  is  just  to  place 
44  them  under  the  control  of  the  majority.  (There  never 
44  were  such  holy  laws  on  earth,  and  Milton  says — an- 
44  gels  differed.)  But  were  they  are  dissimilar,  so 
44  that  the  law  that  may  benefit  one  be  ruinous  to  an- 
"  other,  it  would  be,  on  the  contrary,  unjust  and  absurd 
44  to  subject  them  to  its  will.  Such  I  tsoilceive  to  be 

6 


(42) 

•»  the  theory  on  which  the  Constitution  RESTS.  (Rests  ? 
"  no  sir,  you  have  placed  it  on  the  baseless  fabric  of  a 
"  vision.)  Where  there  are  no  contrariety  of  interests, 
"  (such  perfection  never  did  exist  even  in  a  single 
"  family)  nothing  would  be  more  simple  to  preserve 
"  free  institutions.  Then  the  right  of  suffrage  alone 
"  would  be  a  sufficient  guarantee.  Indeed  a  Consti- 
"tutional  provision  giving  to  the  great,  and  sepa- 
u  rate  interests  oftJie  community  the  right  ofselfpro- 
"  tcction,  must  appear,  to  those  who  will  duly  re- 
"jlect  on  the  subject,no  less  essential  tothe preservation 
u  of  liberty  than  the  right  of  suffrage  itself  (This 
is  impossible,  and  would  destroy  every  government  on 
earth.  "  Tell  this  not  in  Gath,"  as  the  "  opinion"  of 
an  American  Statesman!) 

IL>w  far  your  nice  distinctions  between  a  Con- 
rcntional  right,  and  a  natural  right  of  the  ma- 
jority to  govern,  in  our  Republic,  I  must  refer 
back  to  your  scG«3  of  aids  in  the  mystical  course 
of  your  productions;  only  to  say,  that  the  dis- 
tinction MAY  POSSIBLE  belong  to  the  sublime 
doctrines  of  ontology,  or,  "the  general  affections 
and  relations  of  existing  substances  and  things! !!  r 

However  imperfect  and  even  unjust  the  acts  of 
the  majority  may  be  in  seme  cases,  it  is  nevertheless 
an  indispensible  rule  in  elective  governments;  and 
were  it  now  to  cease,  it  would  unhinge  the  entire  of 
social  order;  and  that,  whether  it  be  a  natural 
or  a  Conventional  right,  man  would  again  return 
to  his  original  condition — A  SAVAGE!  It  is 
probable  that  Congress  may  pass  unequal  and  even 
unconstitutional  laws  : — a  State  also,  in  their  sphere 
of  legislation,  may  do  the  same,  and  hurtful  to  some 
branch  of  industry : — a  free  press  would  soon  correct 
the  errors  of  both,  or  a  change  of  representatives  be 
a  sure  and  legal  remedy : — common  sense,  nay,  com- 
mon honesty,  would  call  it  madness  to  dissolve  the 
Union  on  such  contingencies. 

Thus,  Sir,  through  your  entire  range  of  "senti- 
ments and  opinions,"'  as  I  apprehend  them,  a  like 
political  diplomacy  appears,  which  frequently  requires 


•tt  page  to  explain  the  bearing  of  a  single  word;  this 
-is  unpardonable  in  a  republican  statesman.  You 
repeatedly  quote  Mr.  Jefferson  to  your  views,  I  beg 
also  now  to  quote  from  his  first  Inaugural  address  on 
entering  on  the  duties  of  President; — they  are  all 
directly  opposed  to  your  quotations.  He  says,  "  the 
"preservation  of  the  general  government,  in  its 
"  WHOLE  CONSTITUTIONAL  VIGOUR,  is 
•"  the  sheet  anchor  of  our  peace  at  home,  and 
"  safety  abroad.  An  absolute  acquiesscnce  in  the 
«  DECISION  OF  THE  MAJORITY,  is  tJie  vi- 
•**  tal  principle  of  Republics,  from  which  their 
"  is  no  appeal !  To  support  the  State  Rights,  (he 
i;  does  not  say  State  Sovereignty,)  as  the  most  corn- 
"  pet  ant  administration  of  our  domestic  concerns, 
"  and  the  surest  bull  works  against  anti-republican 
^principles"  which  adhere  to  the  Sovereignty  of  the 
individual  States  as  under  the  old  Confederation,  and 
for  which  you  now  stand  forth  the  most  conspicuous 
man  who  ever  wrote  or  spoke  in  this  community,  and 
in  direct  opposition  to  the  above  sentiments  of 
Mr.  Jefferson.  Can  it  ever  be  believed,  for  a  moment, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  gave  his  sanction  to  your  doc- 
riaes  of  nullification  and  State  Sovereignty,  when, 
only  a  short  time  before,  he  penned  the  above  official 
opposition  to  them  ?  I  will  not  again  disturb  the 
ashes  of  this  great  man,  however,  you  may  in  futre 
seek  shelter  for  your  own'  assumptions  under  his 
name. 

Again.— The  father  of  his  country,  GEORGE 
WASHINGTON,  also  opposes  all  your  "senti- 
ments," on  the  same  subject :  he  says,  "  a  careful 
"  preservation  of  this  blessing,  (our  Constitution  of 
"  general  Government,)  will  acquire  the  glory  of  re- 
"  commending  it  to  the  applause,  the  affection  and 
"  adoption  of  every  nation  which  is  yet  a  stranger 
"  to  it." 

Again. — "  The  unity  of  Government  which  con- 
"  stitutes  you  one  people,  is  also  ever  dear  to  you, 
"  much  pains  will  be  taken  to  weaken  in  your  minds 
•"  this  truth.  Designing  men  may  ENDEAVOUR 


(44) 

-to  excite  a  belief  that  there  is  a  real  difference 
*4  of  interests  and  views;  beware  of  heart-burnings 
"from  these  misrepresentations" 

Again. — "  That  facility  in  changes  upon  the  credit 
" of  mere  hypothesis  and  opinions,  exposes  to  per- 
"  petual  change,  from  the  endless  variety  of  hypo- 
"  tJiesis  and  opinion. <£%  That  in  a  country  so 
a  extensive  as  ours,  a  Government  of  as  much 
"  vigour,  as  is  consistant  with  perfect  security  of 
"liberty, is  i  \dispensible.  Frowning  upon  the  first 
"  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alienate  any  por- 
"tion  of  our  country  from  the  rest,  cnfeabiing 
"  flie  sacred  ties  which  link  together  tJie  various 
"  parts.  BUT  LET  THERE  BE  NO  CHANGE 
«  BY  USURPATION ;  THOUGH  IT  BE  THE 
"INSTRUMENT  OF  GOOD,  WHICH  IS 
"  OVERBALANCED  IN  EVIL  TENDENCY  ! 
"  Parties  in  small  minorities,  will  seek  to  make  the 
"  public  administration  the  MIRROR  OF  FACTION,  and 
"become  the  most  frightful  despotisms,  of  one 
44  faction  over  another." 

In  relation,  Sir,  to  this  last  of  my  quotations 
from  General  Washington's  farewell  address,  where 
he  speaks  of  the  MIRROR  FACTION,  I  cannot  now 
forbear  to  quote  from  Senator  Miller's  speech  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  on  President  Jackson's 
answer,  of  the  14th  day  of  July,  1831,  to  a  form- 
al invitation  to  dine  on  the  4th  of  July,  with  a 
party,  as  such,  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina. 
Miller  says,  "the  great  body  of  this  party,  (the  nulli- 
"fiers,)  resident  in  Charleston,  took  it  into  their 
"  heads,  on  the  4th  of  July  to  celebrate  that  day  as  a 
"party,  and  sent  for  foreign  aid;  made  a  formal  com- 
"  munication,  requesting  the  President  (Jackson)  to 
"  come  to  their  assistance,-— and  the  aid  was  furnished 
"  in  a  letter  containing  a  threat  against  the  party,  of 
"  military  force,  to  coerse  state  legislation  to  conform 
"to  Federal  legislation.  Well  (says  Senator  Miller) 
"  what  would  be  the  result  of  the  President  sending  a 
"military  force  against  the  state  laws  of  South  Caro- 
*  lina  ?  Sir,  if  he  headed  his  force  himself,  one  of  our 


(45) 

4- judges  would  serve  him  with  a  rule,  as  Dominic 
"  Hall  did,  when  at  the  head  of  his  army  at  New-Or- 
"  leans,  and  if  he  did  not  obey  the  rule,  he  would  be 
"  committed."  I  must  thus  take  Miller's  sense  of  Jack- 
son's letter,  as  I  have  it  not  at  hand. 

Will  President  Jackson,  who  declared  that  he  would 
have  hung  the  leaders  of  the  Hartford  Convention,  if 
he  had  been  in  command  there;  I  say,  will  he  now  be 
less  energetic  in  the  South,  when  in  chief  command? 
and  where  the  second  officer  of  the  government,  is  at 
the  head  of  a  powerful  party,  issuing  long  proclama- 
tions and  in  the  full  tide  of  open  preparation  ? 
Surely,  the  conduct  of  the  Hartford  Convention 
bore  no  comparison  with  the  present  daring  outrages 
of  South  Carolina.  Surely,  the  President  will  never 
fail  in  his  declaration,  "THAT  THE  UNION  MUST  BE 


PRESERVED." 


I  arn,Yours,  &c. 

BEN J.  ROMAINK 


STATE   SOVEREIGNTY, 

AND  A  CERTAIN    DISSOLUTION  OF    THE  UNION. 

No'.W. 
SIR, 

In  my  canvass  of  your  productions,  it  was  found 
impossible  to  connect  any  regular  chain  of  ideas  with 
the  present  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  they 
are  only  applicable  to  the  Confederation  COMPACT  of 
1778,  throughout.  The  first  article  of  which  declares 
that  "  each  state  retains  its  Sovereignty,  freedom  and 
"Independence,  and  every  power, jurisdiction,  and 
"  right,  which  is  not  by  this  Confederation  expressly 
"  delegated  to  the  United  States  in  Congress  assem- 
"  bled."  This  article  presents  the  head  and  front  of 
your  state  Sovereignty  assumptions ;  and  which  the 
present  Constitution  declares  to  be  "  obviously  im- 
•''practicable,  in  the  federal  government  of  these  states, 
"  to  secure  all  rights  of  Independent  Sovereignty  to 


(46; 

-  each,  and  yet  provide  for  the  interests  and  safetv 
i4  of  all." 

You  now  deny  the  right  of  Congress  to  protect  the 
Citizens,  Mechanics  and  Tradesmen,  against  foreign 
manufactures,  by  import  duties ;  and  declare  that, — 
"tnis  protection  has  divided  the  country  into  two  great 
"  geographical  divisions,  and  arrayed  them  against 
"each  other  on  the  subject  of  Finance,  Commerce 
and  Industry."  The  old  Comp:  ci  is  here  also  your 
so  e  guide*  It  restricted  the  Legislation  of  that  Con- 
gress in  all  these  particulars.  In  the  CONSTITUTION, 
these  protections  form  a  main  article  in  it. 

An  old  member  of  Congress  told  me,  that  theConfed- 
eration  Compact,  could  not  be  executed  by  Congress 
without  a  constant  resort  to  the  doctrine  ^construc- 
tion, or  implication;  otherwise,  "sentiments  and 
opinions"  The  verity  of  the  remark  is  amply  proved 
in  your  many  adroit  efforts,  of  construction,  to  recon- 
cile that  Compact  with  the  Constitution,  which  are 
totally  distinct  in  sense  and  meaning.  You  use  these 
words  always  synonymously,  to  suit  your  nullification. 
You  reason  and  compare,  repeatedly  run  foul ;  and 
again  compare  and  reason,  and  finally,  so  entangle 
yourself,  in  your  own  toils,  as  to  make  it  absolutely  ne- 
cessary for  escape,  to  abandon  the  CONSTITUTION  to 
its  <ate;  and  boldly  finish  off  on  the  state  Sovereignty 
gr  mnds  of  the  "  COMPACT." 

I  have  already  far  exceeded  my  limit  on  this  most 
painful  subject,  and  shall  only  enumerate  a  few  of  the 
remaining  heads  of  your  several  positions;  always 
carefully  preserving  your  sense,  where  brevity  requires 
my  own  phraseology.  Nought  has  been,  nor  shall  be 
set  down  in  malace,  "  but  much  extenuated." 

1st  You  say  that  the  states  are  gradually  subsiding 
into  sectional  and  selfish  attachments.  (Who  now 
stands  before  the  world  as  the  main  agent  in  the 
.course  ?) 

2d.  That  the  general  principles  of  the  Constitu- 
tion itself  is  brought  into  question ! ! !  (By  Whom  ?) 

3d.  That  the  majority  is  at  the  North,  but  the  South 
Is  more  determined,  (who  made  this  threat  ?) 


4th.  That  the  course  of  the  general  government  is 
unconstitutional.  (The  legal  authorities  declare  a- 
gainst  this  "  opinion"} 

5th.  That  relief  has  been  sought  from  the  govern- 
ment but  now,  driven  to  dispair,  the  South  are  raising 
their  eyes  to  the  reserved  Sovereignty  of  the  states,  as 
the  only  refuge.  (I  presume  to  free  them  from  their 
obligations  to  the  Constitution.) 

6th.  That  the  question  now  is  between  the-export- 
ing  and  the  non-exfiorting  interests.  That  is,  if 
English  Jenny -spinners,  spindles  and  Power  looms  be 
curtailed  in  their  use  arid  occupations,  in  the  cotton 
line,  and  the  free  exportation  of  their  productions  to 
our  country,  then  is  the  nullification  of  our  protecting 
laws  to  be  declared,  and  the  union  dissolved! ! 

7th.  That  the  progress  of  events  are  rapidly  bring- 
ing the  contest  to  an  immediate  and  decisive  issue. 

8th.  That  the  widely  and  diversified  interests,  and 
relative  estimates,  without  some  Constitutional  checkr 
must  become  interminabley except  by  the  dissolution  of 
the  union  itself. 

9th.  That  there  is  a  deep  and  growing  conviction 
in  a  large  section  of  the  country,  that  the  imposts* 
even  as  a  system  of  revenue  are  extremely  unequal. 

10th.  That  in  a  state  of  determined  conflict,  in  re- 
lation to  the  great  fiscal  and  commercial  interests  of 
the  country,  the  opposite  views  that  prevail,  in  the 
two  sections,  as  to  the  effects  of  the  system,  ought  to 
satisfy  all  of  its  unequal  action. 

llth.  That  nothing  can  be  more  certain  than  that 
the  impression  is  wicely  extending  itself,  ai;d  if  to  this 
be  added  a  deep  conviction,  still  deeper  and  more 
universal,  that  every  duty  imposed  for  the  purposes 
of  protection,  is  not  only  unequal  but  also  uncon- 
stitutional. 

12th.  "  That  in  order  to  understand  more  fully  the 
difficulty  of  adjusting  this  unhappy  contest,  of  the 
Constitutional  objection ;  and  that  it  may  be  clearly 
seen  how  hopeless  it  is  to  expect  that  it  can  be  yielded 
by  those  who  have  embraced  it.  That  Congress  are 
not  only  restricted  by  the  limitations  imposed,  but  by 


(48) 

nature  and  object  of  the  granted  powers  them- 
selves !  That  though  the  power  to  impose  duties  on 
impost  be  granted,  without  any  express  limitations, 
but  that  they  shall  be  equal  in  the  states.  It  is  there- 
fore restricted  as  much  as  if  the  Convention  had  ex- 
pressly so  linditcd  it:  a  lid  that  to  use  it  to  other  effect 
is  an  infraction  of  the  instrument  itself;  and  that  the 
same  view  is  believed  to  be  applied  to  the  regulations 
of  Commerce !  (Here  is  a  fine  specimen  of  your  talent 
in  the  art  of  construction  and  implication,  required 
by  the  old  compact,  as  mentioned  by  the  old  member 
of  Congress.) 

13th.  That  to  surrender  these  principles,  (protect 
us  ye  G — ds!,  would  be  to  surrender  all  power  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  even  so  despotic ; 
and  the  labour  and  property  of  the  minority  subjected 
to  the  trill  of  the  majority  ! 

14th.  That  we  have  arrived  to  a  point  which  a  great 
change  cannot  be  much  longer  delayed,  and  the  more 
promptly  it  be  met,  the  less  excitement  there  will  be* 
and  the  greater  leisure,  and  calmness  in  making  the 
transition ;  and  which  becon  es  those  the  more  imme- 
diately interested  to  consider.  (What  transition  ? 
Our  troops  swore  terribly  in  Flanders.) 

15th.  That  the  south  asks  from  the  government, 
only  to  be  let  alone  in  the  undisturbed  possession  of 
its  natural  advantages ;  that  these  were  the  leading 
motives  for  cnteiing  into  the  Union.  (Such  is  nowr 
the  extent  tf  the  Vice  President's,  national  patriotism  ; 
who  has  been  led  through  a  range  of  high  offices,  from 
his  youth,  and  now  stands  second  in  the  nation  s  par- 
tiality. I  am  now  more  than  ever  convinced  that  no 
man  in  the  high  stations,  should  be  kept  in  office  be- 
yond a  definite  term.) 

I  will  only  remark  here  that,  the  Vice  President  has 
now  finally  settled  the  matter.  He  demands  that  the 
government  shall  do  that  which  is  out  of  the  power  of 
all  combined  to  do,  short  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union) 

The  Vice  President  winds  up  in  the  following  man- 
ner. "  In  thus  placing  my  sentiments  and  opinions 
before  the  public :  I  have  not  been  actuated  by  ex- 


(49) 

'•pectations  to  change  the  public  sentiment.  Tnis 
64  would  argue,  on  my  part,  an  insufferable  vanity,  and 
"  a  profound  ignorance  of  the  human  heart.  (I  must 
"here  ask,  is  this  not  a  mistake?"  However  it  may 
be,  your  productions  have  spread  more  political  heresy 
throughout  this  nation  than  any  other  man  since  the 
adoption  of  our  national  government.  What!  write 
nineteen  columns  of  close  newspaper  print  without  an 
effective  object,  or  "  EXPECTATION"  of  motive  ?  This 
would  indeed  argue  "  an  insufferable  vanity"  It  could 
not  surely  be  merely  to  display  "  learnings  luxury; " — 
44  Or  tricks  to  shew  the  stretch  of  human  brain, 
"  Merecurious  pleasure,  or  ingenious  pain." 
However  "  ignorant"  it  may  be,  on  my  part,  I  do 
confess,  that  my  whole  soul  is  now  in  exercise, — in 
hopes, — and  even  in  "  expectations"  to  ward  off  some 
of  the  baneful  consequences  (as  I  conceive  them  to 
be)  of  the  Vice  President's  "sentiments  and  opinions," 
as  relates  to  my  native  country ;  in  whose  defence  I 
have  passed  five  years  in  arms,  during  her  revolution, 
was  twice  wounded, — made  prisoner, — in  captivity 
twelve  days,  under  the  notorious  Cunningham,  in  the 
old  jail  near  our  park ;  and  the  remainder  of  seven 
weeks  in  the  sugar-house,  next  to  the  new  Dutch 
Church,  in  LIBERTY  STREET, — was  regularly  exchang- 
ed, and  continued  in  arms  to  the  end  of  the  war.  And 
again, — served  nearly  three  years  of  arduous  duty  in 
the  late  war.  That  I  am  njw  seventy  years  of  age, 
in  good  health,  and  all  that  yet  remains  of  me  belongs 
to  my  country.  I  seek  no  office  of  emolument.  I  have 
ventured  this  piece  of  egotism  since  my  hononrable 
friend  has  been  so  voluminous  in  speaking  of  his 
patriotism. 

The  Vice  President  proceeds  to  say  that,  "  I  dare 
"  not  hope  in  taking  this  step  I  have  now  done,  to 
44  escape  imputations  of  improper  motives,  though  I 
"have,  without  reserve  fully  expressed  my  opinions, 
"  not  regarding  whether  they  might  be  popular.  I 
44  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  they  are  such  as  will 
"  conciliate  public  favour,  but  the  opposite*  which  I 

7 


(50) 

"•greatly  regret.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  1  shall,  at 
"  least,  be  sustained  by  feelings  of  conscious  rectitude, 
"  regardless  of  their  effects  personally,  which,  however 
"  interesting  to  me  individually,  are  of  too  little  impor- 
"  tance  to  be  taken  into  the  estimation,  where  the 
"liberty,  and  happiness  of  my  country  are  so  vitally 
"  involved." 

(Signed)  JOHN  C.  CALHOUN 

N.T3. — I  will  not  impugn  your  motives',  I  must 
your  judgment,  in  the  premises. 


CONCLUSION 

1  have  remarked  that  the  two  words,  "  State  Sove- 
reignty" had  been  retained  in  common  use  after  the 
adoption  of  the  present  Consitution,  when  the  fact 
ceased  to  exist :  and  that  the  neglect,  or  oversight,  to 
have  put  into  use,  the  true  substitute  [also  consisting 
of  two  words,]  viz.  "State  Rights" — now  stands  as  the 
head  and  front  of  all  the  personal  and  state  aberrations 
from  that  day  to  this,  against  the  government  of  the 
Union,  and  the  sacrilegious  arm  is  again  lifted  up. ! 

And  again. — The  mistaken  use  of  the  word  "Com- 
pact" also,  as  applied,  indiscriminately,  to  the  confede- 
ration, and  the  present  Constitution,  has  led  my  learned 
friend  into  the  inextricable  labyrinth  of  his  mystical 
delusions.  The  Confederation  was  indeed  a  Compact 
between  thirteen  independant  Sovereignties,  and  con- 
tinued so  to  be,  until  it  was  abrogated  by  a  Constitu- 
tion. The  grand  Convention  met  indeed,  "  as  Sove- 
reign parties  under  the  Compact" and  finished  by 
establishing  a  Constitution.  The  word  Constitution 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  Compact,  nor  is  the  word  Com- 
pact named  in  the  Constitution  ;  it  would  have  been 
a  p  erversion  of  terms,  as  they  are  totally  distinct,  in 
sense,  and  irreconcilable  in  principle.  Our  State 


(51) 

Constitutions  are  not  called  Compacts,  because  they 
were  formed  by  order  of  all  the  people  of  each  State; 
and  the  aggregate  of  the  State  Constitutions  is  now 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

The  world  thus  viewed  the  simple  structure  of 
our  government,  as  we  did,  with  wonder  and  delight. 
The  plain  written  Constitution  was  the  only  guide, 
and  declared  to  be  " the  Supreme  law  of  the  land," 
Europe  commenced  the  struggle  of  imitation,  and 
seeks  relief  from  the  vindictive  personal,  and  family 
despotisms.  Every  foot-step  is  marked  in  blood! 

It  is  painful  to  remark  in  the  public  speeches,  and 
addresses  of  our  great  men,  a  kind  of  half  yielding 
to  the  present  boisterous  and  tumultuous  displays  of 
a  few,  may  be,  '''brave  and  desperate  leaders."  Sedi- 
tion is  encouraged  by  a  relaxtion  in  the  power  to 
punish  it.  If  this  yielding,  is  yet  expected  to  effect 
reconciliation,  I  am  wrong  in  the  estimation  of  It. 
The  Vice  President  meets  the  case  on  his  part  boldly, 
that  such  "  expectations  are  hopeless, — that  the  South 
is  determined  !  Let  it  be  remembered  that  sedition 
uuchecked,  will  soon  become  rebellion,  and  too  power- 
ful to  be  restrained,  but  by  physical  force,  thus  the 
old  addage. that  "fears  in  the p ublic  councils  betray 
like  treason."  The  "POTOMAC"  is  the  dividing  line ! 

The  English  historian  says  that,  "  in  1653,  Oliver 
"  Cromwell,  who  hated  subordination  to  the  Repub- 
"  lican  Parliament,  had  the  address  to  get  himself  de- 
"  clared  commander  in  chief  of  the  English  Army ;  he 
"  became  afraid  that  his  services  would  be  forgotten — 
"  went  on  the  20th  April,  1653,  without  any  ceremony, 
•;  with  about  300  Musqueteers  and  disolved  the  Par- 
"  liament  and  assumed  the  Dictatorship,"  when  proba- 
bly they  also  were  making  long  speeches  in  the  Par  lia- 
ment about  reconciliaton,  "  they  were  nullified  in  a 
body."  In  the  same  manner  Buonaparte,  at  the  head 
of  a  few  Grenadiers,  dissolved  the  republican  legisla- 
tive body  of  France,  and  became  an  Emperor  ! 
"  Cromwell's  partizans  declared  him  Lord  protector 
of  the  Commonwealth  of  England;  a  title  under 


(52) 

which  he  exercised  powers,  far  beyond  those  of  the 
royal  dignity.     No  king  ever  acted  more  dispotically 
than  he  did.     His  partizans  liked  this,  but  threatened 
to  oppose  him  if  he  took  upon  himself  the  Title  of 
King ;  on  which  subject  he  had  frequently  sounded 
them.      His  amazing  success  in  arms,  dazzled  the 
great  mass  of  the  people.     However,  after  a  most 
uncomfortable  usurpation  of  four  years  eight  months 
anu  thirteen  days,  he  died,  miserably,  on  the  3rd  of 
September,  1658,  in  the  sixtieth  of  his  age." 

The  Vice  President  also  speaks  much  of  the  "  Co- 
ordinate powers  of  our  government."  This  is  also  a 
mistake. — another  catch-word.  There  are  no  such 
departments  or  powers  in  our  government.  The 
compound  word  "Co-ordinate"  is  defined  to  mean, 
and  does  mean,  " holding  the  same  rank"  we  have 
first,  a  legislative  power,  which  comes  immediately 
from  the  people,  and  is  the  real  Sovereignty  !  It 
makes  the  laws,  and  holds  the  Constitutional  power 
to  impeach  the  Judiciary  and  the  Executive,  if  the 
one  or  the  other  neglect,  refuse,  or  become  guilty  of 
usurpation,  or  mal  practice  in  their  several  and  dis- 
tinct stations.  There  is  no  power  to  impeach  the 
legislature,  it  is  a  falacy  to  teach  that  "  each  of  the 
three  great  departments  of  our  government  hold  an 
equal  power  to  judge  of  infractions"  in  the  same 
cases,  and  "  co  ordinate"  manner.  The  Judiciary, 
judges  of  the  Constitutionality  of  the  laws  which  the 
Legislature  makes,  and  the  Executive  executes  the 
laws  thus  made  and  judged  of.  Here  is  no  co-ordi- 
nation, or  holding  the  same  rank,  each  department 
is  distinct.  This  amalgamation  of  powers  is  working 
ruin  to  our  government,  by  the  assumption  of  powers 
not  in  conformity  of  the  Constitution.  Let  each  of 
these  separate  and  distinct  authorities  be  assured  that 
an  inflexible  integrity  and  undaunted  firmness,  and 
courage,  will  always  meet  the  support  of  a  free  and 
enlightened  people,  at  every  sacrifice  which  may  be 
required  in  all  cases,  of  undue  assumption. 


FELLOW  CITIZEN  S. 

The  great  body  of  the  people,  of  both  parties,  love 
their  general  government;  and  permit  me  to  repeat 
that,  external  pressure  and  DOMESTIC  TREASON,  can 
have  no  other  tendency,  wlien  it  sJiall  be  clearly  seen 
to  exist,  than  that  of  rousing  the  nation,  in  every  part 
of  it,  in  defence  of  the  constituted  authorities ;  each 
in  its  strict  and  proper  Constitutional  sphere  vf  du- 
ty :  admitting  no  encroachment,  for  a  moment,  of  one 
department  on  the  other.  This  is  not  now  to  be  done, 
in  speeches  of  bare  recapitulation,  of  the  daring  out- 
rages of  a  few  individuals.  .The  day  has  arrived  when 
our  public  addressers  should  speak  the  language  of 
defiance,  and  the  determined  means  to  save  the  Con- 
stitution. It  is  now  time  to  rouse  the  nation  to  its 
dangers,  and  the  true  Constitutional  means  of  its  own 
inherent  energies,  and  not  to  suifer  them  to  perish  by 
default.  The  line  of  the  Constitution  is  the  guide. 

Our  government  is  frequently  spoken  of,  as  resting 
merely  on  "OPINIONS—NO!  It  is  a  government 
in  FACT,— holding  command,  by  order  of  the  people 
of  the  whole  United  States,  of  all  the  energies  of 
SUPREME  POWER,  over  the  Union,  to  inforce  and 
sustain  its  undivided  integrity,  and  equal,  in  all  re- 
spects, to  any  government  on  earth ! 

Shall  the  page  of  history  ever  be  obliged  to  record 
that  the  present  generation,  and  especially  the  pre- 
sent authorities,  in  ample  tnajority,  through  a  faint 
hearted  timidity,  had  suffered  "the  worlds  best  hope? 
to  pass  away  like  a  morning  cloud  ?  while  the  dis- 
troyer  is  in  open  display,  and  determined  arrangements, 
to  get  a  whole  state  committed,  calculating,  no  doubt, 
on  a  timid  opposition,  while  perfecting  their  scheme, 
that,  when  it  shall  amount  to  an  open  approbation  ot 
a  state,  will  be  admitted  as  valid,  and  "paramount'1' 
to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States ! ! ! 

We  have  seen  that  our  old  ship  Confederation  with 
her  thirteen  commanders  in  chief,  came  well  nigh 
foundering  in  1787.  Her  fastenings  were  of  leaf 


-(54) 

and  her  frame  work  Was  seen  to  shake.  The  alarm 
became  general; — the  whole  company  arose, — an  ex- 
amination was  instituted ;  when  all  her  timbers  proved 
to  be  sound,  and  of  American  live  oak. 

Artists  of  the  first  order  were  instantly  employed 
to  rebuild,  and  new  model;  and  in  about  five  months 
the  work  was  proclaimed  to  be  complete.  It  was 
critically  inspected  by  the  whole  cdmpany,  and  their 
orders  unanimously  given  to  make  preparation  for 
the  launch. 

The  day  was  set,  the  solemnity  to  be  performed  in 
the  City  of  New  York,  it  was  the  fourth  of  March  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1789.  Washington  had  been 
selected  to  the  chief  Executive  command.  He  ap- 
peared, uncovered,  before  the  majesty  of  the  people, 
and  under  the  canopy, — in  front  of  our  City  Hall, 
when  Chancellor  Livingston  administered  to  him  the 
oath  of  office,  and  then  exclaimed  LONG  LIVE  GEORGE 
WASHINGTON  !  The  air  was  rent  with  shouts  of  ac- 
clamation.— Washington  gave  the  word,  and  our 
goodly  ship  UNION  moved  on  her  ways  a  model  for 
the  Universe  !  !  I 

A  witness  to  this  scene  declared  that  it  appeared 
to  him,  that  the  hosts  of  heaven,  at  that  moment,  were 
looking  down  with  approbation  on  the  act.  That  he 
wras  deprived  of  utterance  and  could  only  wave  his 
hat  among  the  multitude !  I  was  also  a  witness  to  the 
scene. — 

Then  it  was,  at  thai  moment,  when  our  State 
Sovereignties,  not  our  reserved  State  Rights,  ceased 
to  exist;  and  the  Sovereign  power  was  proclaimed  to 
be  invested  in  the  WHOLE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  ;  ONE  AND  INDIVISIBLE.  When,  at  that  mo- 
ment also,  the  Eagle  of  Union,  adorned  in  the 
armoury  of  PEACE  and  WAR, — his  shield  emblazoned 
in  letters  of  gold,  waiting  on  the  United  Sovereign 
command ;  and  then  instantly  raised  his  flight  in  the 
heavens,  and  like  the  orb  of  day,  speedily  became 
visible  to  half  the  Globe.—  Proclaiming 

E.  PLURIBUS  UNUM! 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


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